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Metropolitan security fell during emergencies to the civilian council of kingmakers, the Ọ̀yọ́ Mèsì, led by the Bàṣọ̀run. In contrast, foreign and provincial expeditions were conducted by the Ẹ̀ṣọ́ military nobility under the command of the supreme field marshal.
Old Ọ̀yọ́'s military organisation split metropolitan defence from provincial campaigning.
Officers advanced upward as senior incumbents died in battle or of old age, creating an executive council of aged statesmen alongside active field commanders. Promoting a junior chief over a senior colleague was strongly disapproved of and occurred only under extreme circumstances.
Promotion in this system ran chiefly by survival and seniority rather than by rapid merit-based leapfrogging: a chief moved up the ladder as those above him died, which produced very old civil office-holders alongside vigorous, actively campaigning war chiefs.
Because the tsetse fly transmits trypanosomiasis, horses could not maintain a self-sustaining population within the southern forest belt. Old Ọ̀yọ́ was therefore forced to sustain its cavalry armies by importing remounts continuously from northern neighbors beyond the Niger.
Horses cannot sustain a breeding population in tsetse fly country, since the fly transmits trypanosomiasis, a disease fatal to horses; the tsetse belt covers most of the forest zone south of the savanna margin.
Imported Snider-Enfield and Martini-Henry rifles gave the eastern confederacy superior range and firing rates compared to Ìbàdàn's smoothbore Dane guns. Because open assaults against rifle-defended positions proved impossible, both armies remained entrenched in fortified camps for years.
The resulting firepower imbalance is the direct technological cause of the entrenched, static warfare that developed at the Kiriji and Ìmẹ̀sí-Ilé camps: neither side could dislodge the other by open assault once the eastern confederacy held rifles capable of breaking a massed advance at range, and the two armies instead faced each other from fortified positions for years, a configuration closer to trench warfare than to the open campaigns of earlier decades.
Archaeological investigations of ditch-and-rampart systems like Sungbo's Ẹrẹdò confirm an ancient regional tradition of monumental military engineering. These massive fortifications served to protect populations and farmlands long before European trade goods altered regional tactics.
Archaeology confirms that large-scale defensive earthwork construction in the region predates both the transatlantic firearms trade and, in some cases, Islam's arrival in the interior by centuries.
An ẹrú was an unfree person acquired through capture or purchase who lacked lineage membership and could be alienated or resold. An ìwọ̀fà was a bonded debtor or family dependent whose labor serviced loan interest while retaining lineage rights and the legal guarantee of redemption.
A widely repeated Yoruba distinction states the mechanism plainly: an ẹrú is bought (*rà*), an ìwọ̀fà is pledged or borrowed (*yá*) [S6].
Resident representatives known as Ajélẹ̀ were stationed in subject towns to oversee municipal governance, supervise tribute collection, and liaise with patron chiefs in the capital. Over time, administrative abuses and resource extortion by these agents became the primary catalyst for the Ẹ̀kìtìparapọ̀ uprising.
Ìbàdàn governed the towns it conquered across Ọ̀yọ́, Ìbọ̀lọ́, Ìgbómìnà and, from the 1840s onward, into Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Ẹ̀kìtì and Àkókó territory, not through permanent garrisons but through resident agents called Ajélẹ̀ posted to each subject town as it was brought under control [S10] [S11].
The office of the Ààrẹ Ọ̀nà Kakanfò was intentionally confined to a frontier garrison to prevent the generalissimo from seizing or coercing the royal capital. Àfọ̀njá's revolt from Ìlọrin exposed the inherent structural vulnerability of giving unchecked military autonomy to an external commander.
The oral record's insistence that Àfọ̀njá's rebellion was a constitutional rupture, not a random act of ambition, is borne out by the office he held: the Ààrẹ Ọ̀nà Kakanfò was deliberately kept outside Ọ̀yọ́-Ilé precisely so that no general could do what Àfọ̀njá did, and the oral tradition's moral framing and the institutional history point at the same failure from different directions.
Ìbàdàn's infantry forces initially stayed protected inside town thickets where Ìlọrin's cavalry could not maneuver or charge effectively. The defenders ultimately broke the stalemate by executing a nighttime arson raid against the enemy encampment that triggered a chaotic stampede.
The battle turned only when the Ìbàdàn force abandoned open engagement altogether and struck the Ìlọrin camp at night, setting it alight and routing the cavalry in the resulting confusion and stampede.
Babaláwo were consulted before an army could mobilize in order to discern whether spiritual signs portended victory or disaster. An unfavorable divination reading possessed the institutional weight to delay, alter, or cancel a planned campaign outright.
The state's *babaláwo*, priests of Ọ̀rúnmìlà, were consulted through Ifá divination, described in full in [[ifa-divination-procedure]], to determine whether a proposed campaign carried an auspicious sign (*ire*) or an inauspicious one (*ibi*).
When an ostensibly protected warrior was wounded or killed, indigenous ontology attributed the outcome to an imperfect sacrifice, an unfulfilled oath, or an adversary's superior charm. This interpretive framework allowed practitioners to absorb empirical battlefield casualties without invalidating their underlying belief system.
When a protective charm failed in a specific instance, the failure was explained inside the tradition by an imperfect sacrifice, a broken oath, or a rival's stronger medicine, rather than by a rejection of the underlying premise.
Unlike hereditary commanders or municipal chiefs, Ògèdèńgbé was selected to head a multi-kingdom coalition of eastern states that had never previously combined politically. His authority derived entirely from the wartime necessity of collective defense against Ìbàdàn expansion.
He commanded the Ẹ̀kìtìparapọ̀ confederacy, a coalition of eastern kingdoms that had rarely if ever combined politically before the Kiriji war forced them to, and his authority rested neither on Ọ̀yọ́'s inherited constitutional office nor on Ìbàdàn's internal promotion ladder but on a confederate command created for the war itself.
Hunters operated permanently within hazardous, unpredictable frontier forests where they faced dangerous wildlife and armed adversaries. Their guild consequently functioned as an experimental laboratory for perfecting firearms, poisons, and protective medicines.
Because hunters operated permanently in wild, unpredictable borderlands (*inú igbó*) and routinely encountered dangerous game and armed adversaries, their guild served as the historical laboratory for offensive and defensive martial technology.
Sovereign non-Ọ̀yọ́ polities, including Ìjẹ̀bú, Ondó, and the Èkìtì states, never accepted or recognized the generalissimo's authority. Modern twentieth-century conferrals of the title as a general military leadership over all Yorubaland represent a novel reinvention contested by other traditional rulers.
Historical analysis by Robin Law and Toyin Falola demonstrates that the Ààrẹ Ọ̀nà Kakaǹfò was purely an imperial Ọ̀yọ́ military office [S2][S5].
Polities lacked centralized state treasuries capable of funding permanent standing forces and supplying arms directly. War leaders consequently relied on domestic agricultural production, commercial networks, and wealthy civilian creditors to provision their retinues.
Because regular standing armies with state-funded logistics did not exist, war leaders depended on complex networks of civilian procurement, credit, and domestic production to maintain fighting forces in the field [S4][S5].
Tinúbú supplied Ẹ̀gbá defense forces with essential munitions, provisions, and credit lines during the Dahomean invasions of 1851 and 1864. In recognition of her decisive military financing, Ẹ̀gbá authorities created and conferred upon her the supreme title of Ìyálòdé of Egbaland.
In recognition of her military financing and public service, the Egba authorities conferred upon her the title of the first Ìyálòdé of Egbaland [S2][S11].
The treaty left unresolved flashpoints, including Modákẹ́kẹ́'s refusal to evacuate its farmland near Ilé-Ifẹ̀ and the ongoing siege of Ọ̀fà by Ìlọrin. Because these secondary theaters remained active, frontier forces stayed mobilized until British authorities intervened directly in 1893.
The 1886 settlement brought a diplomatic cessation of direct fighting at Kírìjì, but it failed to establish general regional peace [S2][S4].
Carter led an armed colonial force equipped with modern Maxim machine guns and artillery to force treaties upon interior rulers. This intervention broke the standing frontiers, dissolved fortified war camps, and permanently subordinated indigenous military authority to British rule.
In 1893, Lagos Governor Sir Gilbert Carter led an armed military expedition across the Yoruba interior [S4].