Òrìṣà Oko, Erinlẹ̀, Ọba, Ajé, Olókun, Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sì and Aganjú
Seven orisa treated together: the farming orisa, the hunter who became a river, Sango's other wife and the ear narrative, the orisa of wealth, the sea, the hunter of Ketu, and the one whose diaspora identity diverged furthest from his Yoruba one.
Dem group dis seven òrìṣà togeder bikos each of dem get genuine cult and proper place for inside di tradition without carrying di heavy weight of Ṣàngó or Ọ̀ṣun, and bikos if dem give each of dem separate small file, e go misrepresent how dem big reach. Plenti of dem dey very important for dia local area: Erinlẹ̀ dey central for Ìlọ́bù, Òrìṣà Oko for Ìràwọ̀, Olókun for Ilé-Ifẹ̀ and among di Edo people. Two of dem, Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sì and Aganjú, dey far more prominent for diaspora pass as dem dey for Yorùbáland, and di reasons for dat difference dey among di most interesting things for dis file.
Confidence level na medium through out. Di scholarly literature on top dis òrìṣà dey much thinner pass di major ones, and plenti of wetin dey circulate for English come from Cuban and Brazilian practice instead of Yorùbá fieldwork.
Òrìṣà Oko
Di òrìṣà of farming, of di soil, of harvest, and of fertility. Oko na di farm, and di name simply mean Òrìṣà of di Farm.
Ìràwọ̀ na im town. Di story wey dem give na dat Oko na farmer for Ìràwọ̀ wen three blackbird land come chop di whole harvest, wey make famine dey; wen dem return di following year and arrow no fit touch dem, di villagers turn to Oko make e help dem . Make una note di reversal from di normal pattern: dis one no be hunter or warrior but na farmer, and im authority na agricultural instead of martial.
Emblems. Di ọ̀pá Òrìṣà Oko, im staff, wey blacksmiths of Ìràwọ̀ dey forge from hoe inside Nigerian practice . How dem take transform hoe into cult object na di whole theology inside one single made thing. Im sacred objects also include di eggshell and cowries .
Festival. One annual festival for di beginning of farming season, wey dem give as March, with offerings of yam, palm wine, and oda farm produce . Di dates dey vary locally.
Domain beyond farming. Dem associate Òrìṣà Oko with fertility for human being as well as for agriculture, and for inside some accounts with di settlement of disputes and detection of witchcraft, wey be extension wey make sense to note bikos e make am figure of communal order instead of just crops.
Material culture. Wooden mask wey dem carve wey represent devotees of Òrìṣà Oko dey inside museum collections, including one pre-1908 example , so masquerade na part or bin be part of di cult for some places.
Diaspora. Orisha Oko for Lucumí, where e retain di agricultural domain and where im cult dey comparatively minor.
Erinlẹ̀
Hunter wey become river. One of di clearest examples for inside di tradition of di ancestor-to-òrìṣà transition wey dem describe for 01-what-an-orisa-is.
Di name. Dem give am in different ways as erin (elephant) plus ilẹ̀ (earth), or erin plus ilé (house) . Also Eyinlẹ̀, and for Cuba Inle.
Di story. Erinlẹ̀ na great hunter. E lead di first Olóbù go di site of di town of Ìlọ́bù and aftawards protect im people from Fulani invasion. One day e sink enter inside di ground near Ìlọ́bù and become river . Di Erinlẹ̀ River, wey be tributary of di Ọ̀ṣun, carry im name .
Two things dey to note. Di sinking enter inside di ground na di same wọlé idiom wey appear for Ṣàngó, Ọya, and Ògún: e no die, e enter inside ground. And di historical layer dey visible, since di Fulani incursions enter northern Yorùbáland na nineteenth-century events, wey date at least dat element of di story.
Festival. One annual festival for Ìlọ́bù, wey di whole town including di Olóbù dey participate inside. Dem dey use ram and pounded yam and ṣẹkẹtẹ wine. Dem dey give twenty-eight days notice around August for di festival itself for September .
Diaspora: Inle. For Cuba, Inle na very different figure from di Ìlọ́bù hunter. E be physician and healer, wey dem associate with fishing, with fish instead of hunting, and with beauty, and dem frequently describe am as androgynous or person wey get ambiguous gender. Dem closely pair am with Abata. Cuban Inle get important place for Lucumí and na object of plenti devotion, particularly among LGBT practitioners, and dis identity no really get much to do with di Yorùbá material. Dis na serious divergence and dem no suppose read am backwards put for Ìlọ́bù.
Ọba
One òrìṣà of di River Ọba, wey im worship start near Ìgbọ̀n, and wey be di senior wife of Ṣàngó . During di nineteenth-century wars im cult centres relocate go di more secure city of Ògbómọ̀ṣọ́ . 03-history cover di wars and di displacement of towns.
Domain. Domesticity, fidelity, di passage of time, and homemaking . Im emblems include lightning, swords, flywhisks, and di water buffalo, and dem give pink as im colour .
Di ear story, and im variants. Na dis story dem take know Ọba and di different variants matter.
Di version wey plenti people know for West Africa, Brazil, and Cuba: one co-wife, most often Ọ̀ṣun, convince Ọba say if e cut im own ear cook for Ṣàngó, e go secure im attention. E do am. Ṣàngó come shock, and dem permanently exile am .
Im own priesthood for Ògbómọ̀ṣọ́ no recognise dis story . Dat one na significant fact and dem suppose give am equal weight with di story itself. Di story wey everybody dey tell about divinity, di people wey dey actually serve am reject am.
Cuban variants still different further: sometimes na Ọya be di trickster instead of Ọ̀ṣun, and sometimes dem remove di romantic rivalry totally and reframe di self-mutilation as providing food during Ṣàngó's conflict with Ògún .
One Odù Ifá reading give another alternative where di gift of di ear succeed to bind Ṣàngó to Ọba, as e contrast with Ọ̀ṣun's divided attentions and Ọya's independence . For dis reading Ọba no be di wife wey face humiliation but na di one wey keep am.
Four different ways to understand one single tori wey no agree with each oda, and one of dem na rejection of di tori by di cult itself. Dis one show well why 01-what-an-orisa-is dey insist say itan no be one single tori wey don settle.
Diaspora. Obba for Lucumí, Obá for Candomblé, and e still dey appear for Umbanda and for Haitian Vodou .
Ajé
Di òrìṣà of wealth, money, trade, and profit. Dem still dey call am Ajé Ṣàlúgà.
Warning about di tone first. Ajé (wealth) and àjẹ́ (di power wey di mothers get, wey people dey wrongly translate as "witch") na two different words with different tones, and people dey always confuse dem for English writing, sometimes deliberately by authors wey dey argue say connection dey between women power and business power. 21-gelede treat àjẹ́. Dis section na about ajé, money.
Gender. Dem describe Ajé say e dey show as man or woman . Dem still describe Ajé as pikin of Olókun , wey mean say wealth dey come from inside sea, connection wey make clear sense for society wey dia money dey enter through water.
Di cowrie. Di symbol of Ajé na di big tiger cowrie, wey no be money by itself; to find one unexpectedly na sign of favour from Ajé . Di normal cowrie, owó ẹyọ, na West African currency for centuries and di Yorùbá word for money, owó, na di cowrie word. 03-history and 09-social cover di cowrie currency and di market economy.
Offerings wey dey documented include honey, beans, banana, and cowrie shells .
Where Ajé dey live. Di market. Yorùbá markets na women institution with dia own hierarchy under di Ìyálọ́jà, and di way dem join market together with òrìṣà of wealth and with di power of di mothers no be by mistake. 09-social treat market organisation.
One praise text dey, "Salute to Aje, Goddess of Wealth," for di African Poems archive, wey dey waka around for English without di Yorùbá original, so na just di name dey here instead of to reproduce am .
Olókun
Di òrìṣà of di deep sea, ruler of all bodies of water, and di one wey get authority over di oda water divinities. Dem dey praise am say e dey give plenty wealth, health, and prosperity .
Gender na something wey people dey really drag, and di geography of di contest get wetin e dey teach. Communities for West Africa and di diaspora get different view say Olókun na female, male, or both. For West Africa areas wey dey directly for coast Olókun na male; for hinterland Olókun na female. Among di Yorùbá and di Fon, Olókun dey appear as di two; among di Bini, na only male .
Dat kind distribution make sense make person pause look am well. Di gender of divinity dey change according to distance from sea, wey dey show say di meaning dey do different work for fishing society pass farming society, and e be strong evidence against any claim say Yorùbá religion na fixed pantheon with fixed attributes.
Cult centres. Di main Olókun shrine dey for di Ìlọ́dẹ̀ quarter of Ilé-Ifẹ̀, and di two major centres na Ilé-Ifẹ̀ and Urhonigbe among di Edo . Worshippers dey among di Yorùbá, di Edo, and di Fon . Di Edo part big well well: Olókun na major figure for Benin religion and Benin art, and dis na one of di clearest examples of divinity wey cross di Yorùbá-Edo boundary. 03-history and 07-arts cover di Ifẹ̀-Benin relationship.
Olókun and Yemọja. Dem dey often join di two together, and when dem treat dem as pair, di division na say Olókun na di deep part wey eye no dey see and Yemọja na di surface wey eye dey see and di waves . Di main structural point: na Olókun dey hold di position of sea divinity for Yorùbáland, while Yemọja dey lead di river divinities . For di diaspora Yemọja come turn sea, wey be real change of position and wey 09-yemoja treat.
Festival. Dem dey celebrate di Olókun Festival across Yorùbá subgroups and by di Edo .
Diaspora. Olokun for Lucumí, where dem dey receive am instead of to seat am for head, dem dey keep am inside covered vessel, and treat am say e get power well well and dey far small. E still dey present for Candomblé.
Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sì
Di hunter and warrior òrìṣà, wey im symbols na bow and arrow, ọrun àti ọfà .
Regional distribution. Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sì na western: e strong pass for Kétu, Ìlíkímu, Ṣábẹ̀ẹ́ and di Yorùbá areas of di Republic of Benin, where dem dey call am Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sìn or Ọ̀tchọ́ọ̀sìn . Plenty difference dey across Yorùbáland for how dem dey worship am, for wetin im devotees dey wear as sign, and for how e relate with oda òrìṣà .
Relationship to Ògún. Di two of dem na hunters and dem link di two with bush and road, and for some tori dem be brothers or companions. Di work division wey dem dey usually give na say Ògún na di iron and di clearing of path while Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sì na di tracking, di aim, and di catch. 07-ogun cover Ògún.
Why e big pass for diaspora. Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sì na small figure for most of Yorùbáland but na major figure for Brazil and Cuba, and di reason dey historical. Candomblé Ketu, wey be di biggest and most influential nation for Brazilian Candomblé, take im name from Kétu , di region where Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sì strong pass, and plenty of di Yorùbá-speaking people wey dem carry as slave go Bahia for early nineteenth century come from dat area. Di Brazilian tradition come from Kétu pass oda places, and di way Ọ̀ṣọ́ọ̀sì's take popular there dey reflect di geography of di slave trade instead of im level for Yorùbáland generally. For Brazil Oxóssi na di patron orixá of Rio de Janeiro state.
Diaspora. Ochosi / Oshosi for Lucumí, one of di guerreros wey dem dey receive together with Eleguá and Ogún during initiation, wey join body with Saint Norbert or Saint Hubert. Oxóssi for Candomblé, wey join body with Saint George or Saint Sebastian depending on house, with di greeting "Okê arô!"
Aganjú
Di clearest case for inside dis file where diaspora identity separate from di Yorùbá own, and make we state am for front: Aganjú no get anything to do with volcano for Yorùbáland . Di idea say e connect with volcano na Cuba e comot, and e be like say na for diaspora e develop as metaphor for en explosive power .
For Yorùbáland. Aganjú connect closely with Ṣàngó, wey dem describe differently as en papa or as en brother . Another one still dey: Aganjú of Ọ̀yọ́, wey be Aláàfin inside di Ọ̀yọ́ king list, and di relationship between di historical king and di òrìṣà na di same question wey dem never resolve just like Ṣàngó himself. 05-sango cover dat problem. En domain for inside di Yorùbá material na di wilderness, uncultivated land, desert, and fire.
For Cuba: Aggayú Solá. Volcano, earthquake, di flow of river water, and heavy physical power. Dem syncretise am with San Cristóbal, Saint Christopher, wey carry di Christ child cross di river, and Saint Christopher na di patron of Havana. Dis figure big pass di Yorùbá Aganjú far far, with en own plenty devotees wey dey worship am.
E good make we state dis difference carefully because people dey often report am backwards, dey present di Cuban attributes like ancient Yorùbá ones. Volcano no dey for Yorùbáland.
For Brazil: Aganju, dem generally treat am as quality of Xangô instead of independent orixá.