What incantation is as a genre, the theory of language it assumes, why naming and etymology carry force in it, and the tonal and word-play devices it depends on. A description and analysis, not a manual.
The Yorùbá wey dem quote, the proverbs, oríkì, ẹsẹ Ifá, word list headwords, Odù names and citations dey exactly as the corpus record dem, for every language.
Ọfọ̀ na the Yoruba genre of incantation: language wey dem dey use no be to describe situation but to change am. Ọlátúnjí's definition na the standard one, say ọfọ̀ na the verbal aspect of the magical act, while the other aspects na the rites and the physical preparation [S1]. Na im be the genre wey tie pass with formal rules for the system, the one wey get linguistic interest pass, and the one wey this corpus dey treat with the most deliberate care.
Wetin this file dey do and wetin e no dey do. Na reference work be this. Wetin follow here dey describe ọfọ̀ as genre and e dey analyze how e dey work as language, dey use examples wey scholars don publish and analyze. E no dey provide incantations wey person fit use, and anywhere wey the published record get texts wey dem mean to harm person, dem describe dem instead of to reprint dem. Na editorial decision about wetin reference article suppose do, no be claim about the tradition.
Second framing point, according to how yoruba-foundations set am out. Wetin follow here dey describe wetin the tradition hold about im own practice and wetin scholars record about am. Whether words dey alter events no be question wey this corpus dey judge, and make the reader no take the descriptive present tense below as endorsement or as dismissal.
The terms dey overlap and different writers dey draw the boundary differently.
Ọfọ̀ na the general term for incantation, the charged words wey dem dey speak according to formula and in a set order [S1].
Àyájọ́ na wetin Orimoogunje explain as "myth-like incantation" [S2], and for other places as the kind ọfọ̀ wey mythical allusion dey inside, especially to material from the Ifá corpus. The main feature wey distinguish am na the recitation of precedent: story of something wey happen before, wey dem present as the ground for wetin suppose happen now. Dem analyze that structure below.
Ògèdè na another term, wey some people dey distinguish as something wey dey more commanding and assertive compared to ọfọ̀ wey dey more meditative, although scholarship no dey maintain this distinction consistently and this work no rely on am here.
Related genres wey shade enter ọfọ̀ and wey get their own names: ìwúre, supplicatory blessing; ìbà, homage; ẹ̀bẹ̀, propitiation; epè, verbal curse [S2]. All of dem na spoken words meant to do something, and the boundary between prayer and incantation for this system na matter of degree, of who dem dey address and whether dem hold say the words dey compel or dey beg.
The corpus treat àṣẹ itself, the power wey dey make spoken word take effect, inside yoruba-ase. Ọfọ̀ depend on that account and person no fit understand am without am.
Ọfọ̀ na the clear example of frozen form. Ọlátúnjí describe am as restricted poetic form, cultic and mystical in its expectations, wey involve to speak words according to formula and in a set order [S1]. Dem hold say small mistake for recitation fit make ọfọ̀ no work [S3]. Person no fit add anything, remove anything, or rearrange am without making the power fail, because the potency dey tied to the formulaic structure itself [S4].
Compare ìjálá or rárà, where the performer originality inside familiar corpus na the whole measure of im skill. Inside ọfọ̀ originality na failure. Na this one show clearly the frozen and malleable axis wey dem describe inside yoruba-oral-genre-system.
Two other constraints dey follow from the purpose of the genre rather than im form.
E dey private. Ọfọ̀ dey restrict im audience, and na in private dem dey perform most incantations; the performance fit require secrecy and many times e no need audience at all [S4]. The real addressee many times no be listener but the thing wey dem dey act on. Na this make ọfọ̀ be the genre wey dem dey perform least in public and the one wey open least to ethnographic recording wey produce the ìjálá and oríkì corpora.
Na property. Once person acquire am, ọfọ̀ dey turn to the person personal property, and people wey get am dey guard am jealously, since to reveal am na to expose oneself [S1]. The person wey hold am must internalize the wording, because to use am na typically sudden thing wey no get plan [S1].
Ọlátúnjí identify the genre characteristic elements as symbolic word-play, repetition, and the personal nature of the poetry, and e analyze im structure into invocation, statement of the problem, assertions, and application [S1].
Na this part dey conceptually interesting, and na theory of language just as e be theory of ritual.
The central mechanism na to cite case. ọfọ̀ typically dey recite something wey happen before, or something wey always dey true for nature, and then e go connect the present situation join am. The logic no be petition but analogy with binding force: na so things dey go, therefore na so this one go go.
Orimoogunje published example, one incantation wey dem dey use treat belle bite, show the structure clearly.
Original (as printed, undiacriticised)
Alanpete inu, (x3) Alaamu ikun, (x3) Ewure dudu abe aka, (x3) Ojo lo de lo sa wole, (x3) Ojo naa waa da ki o fomo Oosa sile, (x3) Ki iwo inu rirun yii fi lagbaja sile. Ki o ma run un mo.
Idiomatic English Pesin wey translate: Oladele Caleb Orimoogunje
The flat one of the stomach, three times. The lizard of the belly, three times. The black goat under the barn, three times. When the rain came you ran inside for shelter, three times. The rain has stopped now, so release the child of the òrìṣà, three times. You, this stomach ache, release So-and-so. Stop aching him.
Yoruba text and English translation na as Orimoogunje print am [S2]; na di compiler of dis corpus write di direct word-by-word meaning. Di source print di Yoruba without tone mark or subdot and na so we take put am here.
Note on di translation and di logic. Di argument flow like dis: dem follow di pain talk like say na creature, lizard inside bele, black goat; di goat comot from rain come hide under barn; di rain don stop; so make e comot now. Wetin Orimoogunje explain about di reasoning na say, dem believe say di tins wey dem mention really happen, and na di truth of di myth story dey make di sickness calm down, because di spirit of di sickness go show gratitude to di pesin wey help am hide from rain and e go comot [S2]. E link dis one to di proverb A kì í fojú olóore gùn'gi, say pesin no suppose show ungrateful heart to pesin wey help am, and e note say dem treat di sickness like pesin, give am human character, wey be say e must show appreciation [S2].
E dey important to talk dis tin well-well, because no be wetin Western reader dey expect incantation to be. Dem no command di pain, dem reason with am, and di reasoning invoke social duty wey pesin suppose do. Dem believe say di power dey depend on di truth of di precedent wey dem cite. Lágbájá na di placeholder, "So-and-so", where di patient name suppose enter: di formula no dey change and na only di name dey change.
To repeat tin three times na di second formal feature. To repeat tins three times, and seven times, na standard style for dis genre [S4].
Di deepest claim for di verbal theory na say to know di name na to get power over di tin. Dem treat dis principle for human level inside yoruba-names, where Yoruba name no just be ordinary label but e get social, psychological, and behavioural consequences for di pesin wey dey bear am. Inside ọfọ̀ di same principle dey applied to powers and forces.
Di clearest case wey dem document na di secret names of death and di grave, wey Ọlátúnjí publish and later scholars quote [S1].
Apanisígbómọdé là á pè'kú Ó ní ẹni bá mọ òun ní Apanisígbómọdé Ó ní òun kò ní pa olúwa rẹ̀ ní kékeré Òdàràmọgbò là á pe kòtò tí wọ́n ń gbé òkú sí Ó ní ẹni tó bá mọ orúkọ òun Ó ní òun kò ní gba olúwa rẹ̀ sọ́dọ̀ ní kékeré
Idiomatic English Pesin wey translate: Ọlátúndé O. Ọlátúnjí
Apanisígbómọdé is what we call Death. He says that whoever knows him as Apanisígbómọdé, he will not kill that person in youth. Òdàràmọgbò is what we call the pit into which corpses are laid. He says that whoever knows his name, he will not take that person to himself in youth.
Yoruba text and English translation na as Ọlátúnjí print am, pp. 141-142, wey Oladipupo and Asiwaju quote [S1][S5].
Note on di translation. Di formal structure na general principle wey dem state instead of operative formula, and na why dem fit quote am here: na di tradition dey explain im own theory by imself. Di claim clear and e get condition: knowledge of di true name dey give exemption. Apanisígbómọdé na full clause wey dem turn to noun, pesin-wey-dey-kill-and-carry-go-for-childhood, wey dem build through di exact process wey dem describe inside yoruba-etymology-and-word-formation and wey Barber identify as di main entextualising device of di tradition. English fit only break am down into relative clause and come lose di fact say dis tin na name, single word wey dey function as proper noun.
Di conceptual payoff: Death and di grave already get ordinary names, ikú and kòtò. Dis ones na dia other names, and di incantation talk say di ordinary name na di public one while di compacted epithet na di real one. To know which one be which na di knowledge wey get effect. How Ọlátúnjí's summarize di principle na say if pesin know di secret names of death and di grave, di pesin go live reach ripe age [S1].
Ọfọ̀ normally dey take di form of wordplay wey dem perform orally inside poetic form, wey dem plan to make di spirit wey dey control particular plant release im efficacy [S1]. Na dis point di genre take become linguistically remarkable, because di pun no be decoration. Na di mechanism.
Di device na chain of similarity. Plant or object wey im name get one syllable dey used to act on situation wey dem name with word wey get dat same syllable, and dem treat di phonological link as real connection. Di published example wey Borokinni and Lawal give and wey dem quote inside di ọfọ̀ literature dey run on ìgbàgbé, forgetfulness: na forgetfulness make oró plant no get leaf, na forgetfulness make mistletoe no get root, na forgetfulness make duck toes no separate, and therefore make forgetfulness fall on top di named pesin [S5]. Di structure na series of natural facts wey dem attribute to di same named agent, before di application come follow. Dem hold am say di efficacy dey inside di accumulated weight of di precedents and inside how dem repeatedly invoke di word itself.
Another example wey dey published dey rely on ògbó and ògbà, plants wey their name almost sound like gbọ́, to hear, and gbà, to receive: anything wey person talk to ògbó leaf e dey hear am, anything wey person talk to ògbà e dey receive am, so therefore wetin person talk to the person wey dem call e name must be accepted [S5]. The chain dey flow from plant name go meet verb through sound, and the way the sound relate dey do the work wey logic for do for inside argument.
Three observations about this one as language.
Na theory say meaning dey inside form. If two words sound alike, people believe say the things wey get the names connect in a way wey person fit use. Dis one na the direct opposite of standard linguistic position say sign dey arbitrary, and dem hold this belief consistently, no be say na by chance.
Tone carry heavy weight. For language where bá, ba and bà na three different words [S6], the space for words wey almost sound alike plenty well-well, and special vocabulary of tonal near-matches dey ground for exactly this kind of construction. yoruba-phonology-and-tone explain the system; ọfọ̀ na one of the places wey dem use the system well pass. E still explain why e dey very important to pronounce am exact: if you miss the tone, the chain go break.
Etymology na resource, no be history. The derivations wey ọfọ̀ dey work with na folk-etymological, wey dey connect words through sound and how dem divide the parts instead of how the words take originate historically. Yoruba speakers dey give clever explanation of tight phrases, sometimes dem dey break down every single syllable [S7], and ọfọ̀ turn dat habit into technique. yoruba-etymology-and-word-formation differentiate documented derivation from folk etymology, and make person keep dat difference for mind as dem dey read this genre: dis ones no be claims about linguistic history.
Ọfọ̀ dey show across all levels of society, no be say na only specialists dey use am.
For household. Dem dey use Ọfọ̀ and àyájọ́ for house to treat and prevent sickness among family members, for setting where all small sickness na for home dem dey treat am and na only serious ones dey go meet babaláwo [S2]. The stomach-ache text wey dey above na domestic text.
For inside Ifá. Dem describe the language of Ifá as liturgical register, and ẹsẹ Ifá share with ọfọ̀ the structure of precedent followed by application, na why dem dey define àyájọ́ by how e refer to Ifá material. yoruba-ese-ifa treat the verses; the formal relationship between the two genres close reach say any of the two fit claim one passage.
For inside music. Ọfọ̀ passages dey appear for commercial recordings. Orimoogunje document Àyìnlá Ọmọwúrà wey use ọfọ̀ for e records, and call the names of Fatai Olowonyo, Sikiru Ayinde, Haruna Isola, Yusuf Olatunji, Dauda Epo Akara, Odolaye Aremu and Kasumu Adio among musicians wey dey use ìbà, ìwúre, epè and oríkì for stage performance [S2]. File 14 follow dat line.
Two things.
Operative texts. The published record contain ọfọ̀ wey dem mean make e cause harm, force person obey, hypnotise person, and injure person from far distance, wey dem categorise for inside literature under names like àpèta, àpèpa, àfọ̀ṣẹ, gbètugbètu and máyẹhùn [S5]. The fact say dem dey, their categories and wetin people say dem dey do dey recorded here because na ethnographic fact. Dem no reproduce the texts themselves.
Initiate knowledge. Pass editorial choice, real boundary dey. Ọfọ̀ na personal property wey dem dey protect, and na with cost dem dey reveal am [S1]. Wetin dey published na wetin individual people choose to give particular researchers. The corpus mark this file confidence: intermediate because of dat reason: scholars don describe the formal features of the genre well, but nobody know the full extent of wetin dem never write down, and person wey dey outside no fit know am.
[S1] Ọlátúnjí, Ọlátúndé O., Features of Yorùbá Oral Poetry (Ibadan: University Press Limited, 1984), quoted at pp. 139-142 and 152-167 in [S5]. (Ọfọ̀ as the verbal aspect of the magical act, the others being rites and charms or medicine; ọfọ̀ as a restricted poetic form, cultic and mystical in its expectations, jealously guarded because revealing it exposes the holder; the uttering of words according to a formula and in a set order; the characteristic elements of symbolic word-play, repetition and the personal nature of the poetry; the structural analysis into invocation, problem, assertions and application at pp. 152-167; ọfọ̀ once obtained becoming the individual's personal property; the secret names of death and the grave text at pp. 141-142 with translation; the principle that knowing those names confers long life.)
[S2] Orimoogunje, Oladele Caleb, "The Social Contexts of Verbal Arts in Yoruba Indigenous Healthcare Practices," Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 24 (2003), pp. 89-96. DOI 10.7592/FEJF2003.24.verbalart. https://www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol24/verbalart.pdf (Open access. The glossing of àyájọ́ as myth-like incantation and the domestic-communal-intercommunal framework; ọfọ̀ and àyájọ́ used at home to cure and prevent disease, with minor ailments treated domestically; the stomach-ache incantation with the author's translation and his analysis of the personification, the gratitude logic and the proverb A kì í fojú olóore gùn'gi; the related genres ìwúre, ìbà, ẹ̀bẹ̀ and epè; Àyìnlá Ọmọwúrà's use of ọfọ̀ in his records and the list of musicians using health-related verbal arts. Yoruba texts printed without tone marks or subdots.)
[S3] Akinbo, Samuel K., et al., "An acoustic study of vocal expression in two genres of Yoruba oral poetry," Frontiers in Communication 7 (2022), article 1029400. https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/communication/articles/10.3389/fcomm.2022.1029400/full (Open access, and the summary of Ọlátúnjí's position that a minor fault in rendition may render an ọfọ̀ ineffective.)
[S4] Kolawole, Gboyega, "Variations in the application of the components of the oral performance to Yoruba chants," Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 60.3 (2023). https://scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-476X2023000300009 (Open access. Ọfọ̀ classed among the context-restricted or frozen forms; the potency tied to formulaic structure so that content cannot be added, subtracted or rearranged; ọfọ̀ restricting its audience, performed in privacy, sometimes requiring no audience at all; repetition in threes and sevens.)
[S5] Oladipupo, Sunday Layi, and Jumoke H. Asiwaju, "Ọfọ̀ (Incantation) as Lubricant for Oògùn in Yorùbá Traditional Medicine," JOLAN: Journal of the Linguistic Association of Nigeria 20.1 (2017), pp. 267-274. https://jolan.com.ng/index.php/home/article/view/89 (Open access. Ọfọ̀ as the power of the word by which some perform actions the ordinary person cannot; ọfọ̀ as a play on words delivered in poetic form to induce the spirit controlling a plant to conjure up efficacies, quoting Borokinni and Lawal 2014 p. 26; the ìgbàgbé forgetfulness chain and the ògbó/ògbà chain, both quoted from Borokinni and Lawal; the categories àpèta, àpèpa, àbìlù, máyẹhùn, àfọ̀ṣẹ and gbètugbètu; the quotation of Ọlátúnjí's secret-names text. The article's own framing is philosophical advocacy for the efficacy of ọfọ̀, which should be read as a position rather than as a neutral description.)
[S6] The Yoruba tonal minimal set bá (to meet), ba (to braid), bà (to land), from [S3], illustrating the lexical function of tone. Treated fully in the corpus file yoruba-phonology-and-tone.
[S7] Barber, Karin, "Text and Performance in Africa," Oral Tradition 20.2 (2005), pp. 264-277. https://journal.oraltradition.org/wp-content/uploads/files/articles/20ii/Barber.pdf (Open access. Yoruba speakers offering ingenious exegeses of compact nominalised phrases, sometimes involving analysis of each syllable; the nominalised epithet as the characteristic device of the tradition.)
The concept that runs from "so be it" at the end of a prayer to the force by which anything happens at all, why both "power" and "life force" are inadequate translations, and how ase works in speech, ritual and art.
How Yoruba verbal art is classified into named genres by vocal manner rather than subject, who performs each and on what occasion, and why the European category "oral literature" fits the material imperfectly.
The machinery Yorùbá uses to make new words, and a worked, confidence-flagged examination of the etymologies of the key religious and philosophical terms.
The verses filed under each Odù are case reports in verse, built to a described eight-part structure, held collectively across practitioners rather than by any one person.
The categories of Yorùbá names, the naming ceremony, the names given for birth circumstances and for children thought to return, and a worked list of common names with their literal meanings.
The hunters' chant associated with Ògún, its vocal manner, the ìjálá artist and how he is judged, the contest setting, and what the chant does as self-portrait and as praise of animals.