Palm wine tapping and its fermentation stages, the cereal beers and grain infusions brewed alongside it, plantain wine, the etiquette of drinking together, and the colonial-era history of trade gin and illicit distillation.
The Yorùbá wey dem quote, the proverbs, oríkì, ẹsẹ Ifá, word list headwords, Odù names and citations dey exactly as the corpus record dem, for every language.
Ẹmu, wey be palm wine, na the main traditional Yoruba drink. Dem dey tap am fresh from oil palm or raffia palm, and people dey drink am while e still dey ferment. Beside palm wine, anoda big family of fermented drink dey wey dem dey brew from grain and fruit: beer wey dem make from corn and guinea corn (sorghum), grain drink wey get spice, and plantain wine wey dem make from fruit wey over-ripe pass wetin dem fit use for any oda thing. This file treat these drinks as dem be, how dem dey make each one, who traditionally dey make am, how dem dey serve am, and wetin happen to the whole landscape of local drink when European trade spirit and, later, industrial lager beer enter. The place wey palm wine get for normal hospitality and for libation to the ancestors dey covered inside Food (slug: social-food) and we no repeat am here; the fermentation biochemistry of irú and ọ̀gì as food, plus how dem dey extract palm oil, dey covered inside The Yoruba Kitchen (slug: the-yoruba-kitchen); the Ọbàtálá palm-wine creation story dey fully inside Ọbàtálá / Òrìṣàńlá (slug: obatala) and na reference we just make here instead of to tell the story again.
Ẹmu, dem dey tap am from two different palm tree, and Yoruba tappers plus drinkers dey separate dem clearly.
Ẹmu ọ̀pẹ̀ dey come from the African oil palm, Elaeis guineensis. Tapper wey sabi work, ẹlẹ́mu (from oní-ẹmu, "person wey get palm wine"), dey climb the tree trunk with woven climbing rope, ìgbà, wey dem make from oil palm fibre or strengthen with leather or rope, and e go cut the crown near the flower wey never mature. Dem dey put funnel wey dem roll with leaf or bamboo stick for the cut place, to direct the water (sap) wey dey drop enter collecting gourd, agbè or kèrègbè, wey dem tie under the cut. To tap oil palm this way, on top tree wey dey alive and stand up, na the technique wey dem associate with the forest and forest-margin heartland of Yorùbáland.
Ẹmu ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ (also ẹmu ọ̀gbọ̀), wey be different word from the distilled local gin of the same name wey dem discuss below, dey come from raffia palm, especially Raphia hookeri and Raphia vinifera, wey common for riverine and wetland areas of Yorùbáland. Dem dey tap raffia from standing tree or, for some coast and swamp-forest area, from tree wey dem don cut down and drill for the heart. Na the ecology of the place dey determine this difference, no be say one fixed rule dey. Raffia wine dey produce pass oil-palm wine and e dey quick sour turn to acid pass am, so e body dey lighter and e no dey keep long before e sour finish.
Fresh palm sap clean well well the moment wey dem cut am, and sucrose plus simple sugars full inside am. Wild yeast and bacteria wey already dey inside the calabash and the air dey enter am immediately, and e character dey continue to change as e dey sit down. This progression dey well documented inside Nigerian food-science literature about oil-palm wine microbiology and biochemistry , and, for the sap place inside West African food and nutrition specifically, inside the older biochemical literature about palm wine fermentation and the nutrient wey dey inside am . Three stages get name:
Ọtí na the general Yoruba word for any drink wey dey intoxicate, whether distilled or fermented; ẹmu na the specific name for the fermenting palm sap, and dem no dey use am call grain beer or distilled spirit.
Beside tree sap, Yoruba people dey brew different family of drinks from maize, sorghum, and millet, ranging from mildly alcoholic beer to non-alcoholic spiced drink.
Ọtí ṣèkètè na the main grain beer of the forest-zone Yoruba, wey dem make from corn wey don sprout instead of the sorghum wey dominate brewing for savannah area for north. Historically, na women work to brew am, and na dedicated brewers, oníṣèkètè, dey do am. The process dey start with malting, where dem soak complete corn and leave am make e sprout under wet leaf cover so that e own enzymes go convert starch to fermentable sugar. After that, dem go mill am, boil the malted grain to mash, and ferment the liquid wey dem filter for several days, either with starter from previous batch or leave am make e sour by itself . During this fermentation, the pH dey drop from around 5.1 to 4.3 while titratable acidity dey rise, as lactic acid bacteria (Leuconostoc mesenteroides, Pediococcus and Lactobacillus species) plus yeast dey work on the mash one after the other during the first two days . The finished beer dey cloudy, amber for color, e dey sour small, and e get small alcohol. Ṣèkètè na regular drink for communal farm work, hunting journey, and town festival across Ọ̀yọ́, Ìbàdàn, and Òṣun areas before industrial lager beer take over for most towns.
For di dry savannah border area of northern Yorùbáland, where Oyo-North, Ìgbómìnà, and Ọ̀kun communities dey share border with Nupe and Bọrgu territory, sorghum instead of maize na di main grain wey dem dey use, and dem dey brew two beer wey resemble each other from am . Burúkùtù dey thick and dem no dey filter am, dem dey serve am with di grain particles still dey inside di liquid, and e dey serve as heavy energy food during hard farm work just as e dey intoxicate person. Pìtó na di clear version: after di first fermentation, dem go filter di liquid, boil am di second time, come serve am make e bright and sharp for mouth, without di sediment wey dey remain inside burúkùtù. Di two drinks belong to di wider West African savannah brewing tradition wey dem dey share with sorghum-beer cultures far beyond Yorùbáland, including di burúkùtù and pìtó traditions wey dem document among brewing communities for Ghana .
One earlier draft of dis file cite "D. A. Kolawole, 'Evaluation of Burukutu: A traditional fermented beverage from sorghum,' Nigerian Food Journal, vol. 19 (2001), pp. 78-84" for dis section. No article with dat title or author dey seen during dis review. One real source wey match closely dey inside di same journal, volume, and year: I. A. Jideani and B. U. Osume, "Comparative studies on the microbiology of three Nigerian fermented beverages: burukutu, pito and nbal," Nigerian Food Journal 19 (2001), pp. 25-30, wey compare burúkùtù and pìtó microbiology directly alongside di third related beverage, ǹbal. Dem re-attribute di claim give dis article instead of di Kolawole citation wey person no fit verify .
Kúnú, especially kúnun-zàki, na non-alcoholic spiced grain drink wey dem first associate with northern Nigerian savannah cultures, but now dem dey make and sell am well well for Yoruba towns as everyday drink to quench thirst instead of drink for festival or hard labour. Dem dey soak millet, sorghum, or maize small and wet-mill am with ginger, alligator pepper, and sometimes make am sweet with natural malt or grated sweet potato; dem go cook part of di mixture make e turn light porridge and blend am back with di raw seasoned part, wey di remaining enzymes go melt di starch turn am to sweet maltose . Di result almost no get alcohol at all and dem dey drink am cold.
Ọ̀gì (wey dem also dey call akàmu), di fermented maize or sorghum starch wey be one of di most thoroughly documented Yoruba foods, dey also function as drink on its own, different from how dem dey cook am as pap or as di solid ẹ̀kọ wrap. Di lactic-soured water wey settle and dem draw out during production, omi ọ̀gì or omi ẹ̀kọ, dem dey drink am on its own as sharp, slightly sweet-sour refreshment, especially during hot weather and by nursing mothers, and dem also value am separately as base liquid for herbal medicine (àgbo). Di full fermentation mechanics of ọ̀gì, di steeping, wet-milling, and settling stages, and di succession of lactic bacteria and yeasts wey dey drive am, dem don already treat am in detail for The Yoruba Kitchen (slug: the-yoruba-kitchen) and dem no repeat am here; wetin belong to dis file na ọ̀gì position as wetin people dey drink instead of just wetin dem dey chop.
Àgàdàǹgídí na fermented plantain wine wey dem document for Yoruba communities inside southwestern Nigeria, wey dem dey make by mashing overripe plantain pulp, di fruit wey don soft and black too much to fry into dòdò or dry into èlùbọ́ flour, into warm water and leave am make e ferment inside covered clay pot for two to three days . Wild yeasts, mainly Saccharomyces species, dey drive di alcoholic fermentation, and di final liquid, after dem don filter di pulp comot, dey sweet, dey bubble, and e dey make person high well well. Dis way wey dem dey take use overripe fruit do wine dey turn food wey for spoil into product wey dem fit sell, and Nigerian food scientists wey get interest in di microbiology don study di drink many times, especially A.I. Sanni, whose original 1988 study on agadagidi production and later work to identify di yeasts with Swedish microbiologist Christina Lönner still remain di standard references , .
Di social structure around Yoruba drinking, offering drink to guest as part of hospitality wey dem no fit separate, and pouring small for ground for di earth and di ancestors before anybody drink, dem don treat am well inside Food (slug: social-food) and dem no repeat am in full here. Communal farm labour, àáró and òwe, and wetin di host must do to feed and give di work group drink, dem don treat am inside Staples and the Agricultural Base (slug: staples-and-agricultural-base); wetin follow here dey add di specific order wey dem dey follow around palm wine and grain beer once dem start to serve di drink.
Calabash of ẹmu or ọtí ṣèkètè wey dem share at di end of one day àáró or òwe labour na, alongside di food itself, di payment wey close di reciprocal obligation, since work wey dem do under dis institutions na food and drink dem take pay instead of wages. Inside di drinking itself, get one customary order wey dem dey follow: dem go pour small for ground first to acknowledge di earth and di ancestors wey get di land where di palm trees grow; di host or server go taste di drink first for everybody eye to show say nothing bad or poison dey inside; and dem go come pass di calabash strictly according to seniority, from di most senior person present go down, so dat di shared calabash go show di same hierarchy wey dey control eating and speech generally for Yoruba social life.
Yoruba ritual practice dey arrange drink, just like cooking oil, according to which òrìṣà dem dey serve, and di full explanation of dis logic, including how dem separate palm oil and shea butter by temperament, dey inside Soups, Stews, and Condiments (slug: soups-stews-and-condiments), wey dis file cross-reference instead of repeating am. Two points specifically concern drink.
People wey dey worship Ọbàtálá's no dey drink palm wine, and di standard tori trace dis taboo go di story say e drink fresh palm wine drunk well well wen e dey mould human bodi from clay. Inside di tradition itself, dis story get two different interpretations: di one wey talk say di drunkenness na mistake, and anoda position wey fieldwork document wey reject dat idea. Di two interpretations, di towns and shrines wey dey keep di taboo, and di source wahala wey dey round di story, dem explain everything in full for Ọbàtálá / Òrìṣàńlá (slug: obatala), wey di reader suppose check directly instead of taking dis file summary as di complete tori.
Ògún dey directly different: palm wine na expected part of wetin dem dey offer am, wey dem dey pour join palm oil and blood for shrine, wey agree with how dem generally know am with heat, iron, and force, instead of di coolness and self-control wey dem associate with Ọbàtálá's. Di main document for Ògún shrine offerings, including palm wine, na Samuel Johnson 1921 description, wey dem write in full inside Ògún (slug: ogun) and no repeat here.
One earlier draft of dis file quote one passage wey dem label Odù Ifá Ìròsùn Méjì, wey start with "Ẹmu bínú tutọ́ fúnfun sóko," and present one divination story wey Ọ̀rúnmìlà marry one person wey dem call Ẹ̀kọ́, wey dem describe as palm-wine tapper pikin, with di moral lesson say make person taste palm wine without losing control of imself. Di draft itself label di translation "Corpus Reference Working Group, confidence: medium," wey be attribution to nobody, and dis na sign say dem never check di passage against any transcribed source.
Dis file search for di verse and wetin dey inside am, which na marriage story wey involve Ọ̀rúnmìlà, one character wey dem call Ẹ̀kọ́, and one palm-wine tapper, inside Wándé Abímbọ́lá's published Ifá corpus collections (Ifá Divination Poetry, Sixteen Great Poems of Ifá, Ifá: An Exposition of Ifá Literary Corpus) and inside William Bascom Ifa Divination , but e no see am for any of dem. E also no see di last line, "Ẹmu kì í mu ẹmu k'ó yó" ("palm wine itself never drinks palm wine to become drunk"), as standalone Yoruba proverb inside di standard proverb collections wey dem check. Ẹ̀kọ́ na also di Yoruba name for Lagos and, on a different note, na di name of di maize pudding wey dem discuss above, and any of dis connections fit reasonably produce one joined-together passage instead of genuine transcription. Because no real source dey under dis or any oda attribution, and because di corpus translation rule require say text wey dem translate by demselves suppose carry mark instead of presenting am as primary transcription, dem don comot di verse from dis file instead of keeping am under invented attribution. Di general observation say Ifá literature dey repeatedly treat moderation with palm wine as moral theme make sense based on Ifá wider ethical concerns, but dis file no assert am here without verse wey person fit find to support am.
Imported spirits na item wey dem already record for di southward Atlantic trade through Lagos lagoon system before di proper colonial period start, alongside cowries, textiles, tobacco, and guns, as dem explain inside Economy, Craft and Trade (slug: history-economy-and-trade). From late nineteenth century, dat trade grow higher and imported European spirits enter Yoruba drink economy alongside, and increasingly replace, indigenous fermented drinks for ceremonial use. Dutch and German schnapps gin, and to a lesser extent rum, move in plenty quantity through di palm-oil and palm-kernel trade of Niger Delta and di wider Bight of Benin coast from 1880s dey go, trade wey Dmitri van den Bersselaar document in full inside The King of Drinks: Schnapps Gin from Modernity to Tradition (Brill, 2007), wey trace how imported gin change from foreign market goods go become something wey get ritual and social meaning along West African coast, with e documentary depth focused on Igbo-speaking areas of Niger Delta hinterland alongside di wider southern Nigerian coastal trade . Because distilled gin no dey spoil like palm wine or grain beer, e get prestige based on durability wey indigenous fermented drinks no fit match, and imported gin come become accepted part of bridewealth payment and chieftaincy gift-giving across trading communities of southern Nigerian coast wey dem document inside dis literature; dis file state dat scope as coastal and Niger Delta trade practice, based on van den Bersselaar own documentary focus, instead of claiming say na specifically Yoruba institution, which di sources wey dem consult here no establish with dat same level of detail.
Di way missionary dem take stand against dis trade strong well-well and dem talk am out loud. Bishop Herbert Tugwell, di Anglican bishop of Western Equatorial Africa wey dey based for Lagos from 1894, dey among di Church Missionary Society people wey campaign against di liquor trade base on moral ground, even as im write for im personal book say im body no dey totally calm say im dey use gin as money to take trade, since na so dem dey accept am as currency across di region wey im mission dey work . Simon Heap economic history of di Nigerian liquor trade, "'A Bottle of Gin Is Dangled before the Nose of the Natives': The Economic Uses of Imported Liquor in Southern Nigeria, 1860-1920," and im wider study on how dem replace imported alcohol for Nigeria, "Before 'Star': The Import Substitution of Western-Style Alcohol in Nigeria, 1870-1970," African Economic History 24 (1996), pp. 69-89, show say imported hot drink no really function as wetin dey make people drunk anyhow like di missionary dem talk, but e serve more like money, tribute, and property wey dey show level, na so dem come dey see and write di history of colonial-era Nigerian drink .
Di tax policy wey di colonial administration put on top imported spirits, wey tight pass through di 1930s, make people begin cook palm wine for house to get strong spirit along di southern Nigerian coast, drink wey people dey generally call ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀ for Yorùbáland. Dis file no fit confirm di exact citation wey dem give for one earlier draft, "Simon Heap, 'We Think It is as Good as It Is Worth': The Local Manufacture of Distilled Liquor in Nigeria, 1931-1967, Journal of African History 49.1 (2008)," against any searchable record of wetin Heap publish, and no article with dat title dey dat journal at all. Di correct 2008 publication wey Heap really do on top dis exact topic na "'Those That Are Cooking the Gins': The Business of Ogogoro in Nigeria during the 1930s," Contemporary Drug Problems 35, no. 4 (2008), pp. 573-610, wey explain di small-scale distillation business wey grow up because of di same tax pressure, and na dat article dem point to here . Another source wey direct pass on top Yoruba matter dey, and dem add am to make dis section strong: Dolápọ̀ Z. Olúpàyímọ́'s "The Illicit Production and Consumption of Ògógóró in Coastal Yorùbáland and the Niger Delta," Yoruba Studies Review 2, no. 1 (2017), wey show di place dem wey dem dey cook di drink for Ikoya, Òkìtìpupa, and Ìrèlè for Ìkálẹ̀ land, and call di different local names wey coastal Yoruba distillers and drinkers dey call di spirit: kaikai, robi-robi, bàbá èrìn, ẹtọ̀ntọ̀, wuru, and di slang pàrágà wey dey popular across Nigeria today . Di Ghanaian name for dis kind spirit wey dem dey cook for house na akpeteshie, na Gã word wey belong to Ghana, no be Yoruba name for ọ̀gọ̀rọ̀, and dis file no use am as Yoruba name, as e correct di earlier draft wey mix di two together. British colonial government make unlicensed distillation illegal as illicit gin production so dat dem go protect di custom tax money from legal imports, but di enforcement for Nigeria and Ghana no fit stop di trade, e continue as informal business wey get big economic power through di middle of di twentieth century and e still dey go on today, even inside bitters wey dem mix with roots and tree back for medicine.
Commercial clear lager beer and mineral inside bottle don push ọtí ṣèkètè and àgàdàǹgídí commot for most cities, while ẹmu itself still dey, as dem dey sell am for palm-wine joint, though people wey dey buy am for city still dey complain say dem dey mix am with water and sugar, di same complaint wey people for colonial era raise about di quality of both local and imported drink. Drinks wey no get alcohol wey dem ferment, especially ọ̀gì and kúnú, na dem stand well pass among all dis drinks, as small-scale production and commercial packaging dey keep dem going, and dis strength happen because dem no depend on di seasonal, heavy work of palm tapping and brewing cycle wey native alcoholic drinks dey require.
The agricultural base, yam and its ritual centrality, the staple dishes and their regional variation, palm oil, food taboos and their lineage and orisa basis, and the social meaning of feeding people.
The farmland typology, land tenure, and cooperative and unfree labor institutions that produced Yoruba staple crops, and how Atlantic-introduced maize and cassava reshaped the food base from the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries.
The kitchen as a physical and technical space, its equipment, its cooking techniques, and the biochemistry of fermentation and palm oil extraction carried out in it.
The fermented condiments, palm oil, pepper complex, and salt that make up the flavor architecture underneath Yoruba soups and stews, and how ritual food practice sorts fats and seasonings by which òrìṣà they serve.
The core Yoruba dishes eaten day to day, the swallows, soups, legume preparations, and tuber pottages, their regional identities and how they are actually eaten together.
The white orisa who moulds human bodies, the contested creation narrative in which Oduduwa takes his place, the palm wine story and what Ife devotees actually say about it, and the politics carried inside the itan.