Erinlẹ̀: Complete Treatment
A comprehensive scholarly reference on Erinle, the Yoruba orisa of hunting, water, herbal medicine, and royal protection, examining his mainland cult, iconography, priesthood, and transatlantic transformations.
Erinlẹ̀ (wey dem still dey write as Eyinlẹ̀ or Inle) na di Yorùbá òrìṣà wey im position dey join di wild forest of di land together with di healing power of freshwater river. For history, dem link am to Ìlóbùú town for modern Ọ̀ṣun State, Nigeria, and people dey worship am as master hunter, warrior, herbal doctor, and divine protector wey no die normal physical death, but instead vanish enter inside ground come turn to di Erinle River. For di transatlantic African diaspora, di way dem dey worship am grow enter major traditions inside Cuban Lucumí and Brazilian Candomblé, where im qualities spread enter medicine, fishing, and special ways dem dey take show gender fluidity.
Dis document explain di linguistic origins, oral praise poetry, cosmological balance, ritual material culture, historical stories, priest institutions, and how Erinlẹ̀ take develop for diaspora, as e strictly follow documented anthropological and historical scholarship.
Morphology, Etymology, and Names
Di name Erinlẹ̀ get different etymological meanings inside Yorùbá historical linguistics and ritual talk.
Erinlẹ̀
- Morphology: Dem form am mainly as compound noun: ẹrin (elephant) + ilẹ̀ (earth, soil, land) .
- Tone pattern: Mid-Mid-Low (
ē-rī-lẹ̀). - Alternative morphology: For some regional Oyo dialects, dem dey break am down as ẹrin (elephant) + ilé (house, lineage), wey come give Erin-ilé ("Elephant of the Household") .
- Dialectal variants: Eyinlẹ̀ (wey dem document plenty times for western Yorùbá and coastal dialects) and Inle (di standard phonetic spelling wey dem keep for transatlantic Lucumí liturgy) .
Epithets and Praise Titles
Di main titles wey dem record for Erinlẹ̀ inside oral literature dey show im physical power, war strength, and royal position.
1. Erin-ilẹ̀
- Original:
Erin-ilẹ̀ - Literal gloss: Erin (elephant) + ilẹ̀ (land / earth).
- Idiomatic English: "The Elephant of the Earth" or "The Land Elephant" (Drewal, Pemberton, and Abiodun) .
- What it means: Di title dey compare di presence of di deity to di biggest and strongest animal for di forest, dey show absolute power, massive body size, and authority over di ground wey nobody fit shake .
- What it is used for: Dem dey call dis name during priest prayers and shrine chants make di divinity presence fit stand well and to respect im solid weight for cosmic matters.
- Scenarios (Illustrative): An initiate wey dey enter di shrine compound go go meet di sacred vessel and chant dis name take announce say na di earthly lord im dey follow talk, dey beg for strong protection against anything wey fit bring instability.
- Importance and value: Inside Yorùbá animal symbolism, elephant dey represent sovereign power and authority over di land. As dem give dis name to a hunting deity, e dey show say e senior all di creatures for forest canopy and ground.
- Tonality: Mid-Mid-Low. Di low tone on top ilẹ̀ dey emphasize how e solid go deep enter ground.
- Notes on translation: English translations like "Land Elephant" dey cover di deep ontological weight of ilẹ̀, wey no be just ordinary soil, but di sacred earthly domain itself.
2. Àjàjà / Ajaguna
- Original:
Àjàjà Ajagun-ọ̀nà - Literal gloss: À-jà-jà (Person wey dey fight again and again / whirlwind fighter) A-ja-ogun-ọ̀nà (Person wey dey fight battles along di road / warrior for di path).
- Idiomatic English: "The fierce warrior who strikes on the path" (Warner-Lewis) .
- What it means: E dey show say Erinlẹ̀ na fighter protector and predatory hunter wey dey attack danger for road before e reach town or house .
- What it is used for: Dem dey chant am inside songs during warrior masquerades and civic defenses to bring out collective courage and call divine help for war.
- Scenarios (Historical/Attributed): Community defenders bin dey chant am during territorial attacks for history make dem fit get Erinlẹ̀'s military protection .
- Importance and value: E dey establish say Erinlẹ̀ no be just kind river provider, but e still be dangerous armed entity wey fit use deadly force.
- Tonality: Low-Mid-Mid (Àjàjà), High-Mid-Mid-Low (Ajagun-ọ̀nà).
- Notes on translation: Ajaguna still dey appear as praise title for Ọbàtálá for some regional contexts. Inside Erinlẹ̀'s liturgy, e dey point directly to warrior readiness to attack rather than elder governance.
3. Ọkùnrin gídígídí bí òkè
- Original:
Ọkùnrin gídígídí bí òkè - Literal gloss: Ọkùnrin (man) + gídígídí (robust / stout / powerful) + bí (like) + òkè (mountain / hill).
- Idiomatic English: "A robust man, solid as a mountain" (Thompson) .
- What it means: Na poetic statement of total physical and metaphysical endurance, dey describe entity wey nobody fit move, defeat, or overthrow .
- What it is used for: Elders dey talk am to praise person or lineage wey get exceptional endurance and strong moral or physical power wey no dey shake.
- Scenarios (Illustrative): Senior priest dey talk am when devotee survive serious sickness through herbal treatment, dey give credit to Erinlẹ̀'s unshakeable foundation for di recovery.
- Importance and value: E dey strengthen di connection between divine masculine physical strength and royal stability inside Oyo-influenced iconography.
- Tonality: Mid-Mid-Mid, High-High-High-High, High, Low-Mid. Di repeated ideophone gídígídí carry four consecutive high tones, dey express solid energetic presence.
- Notes on translation: Di ideophone gídígídí dey mean both muscular solidity and energetic resilience, meaning wey di English adjective "robust" no fit capture completely.
4. Ọlọ́yè ńlá
- Original:
Ọlọ́yè ńlá - Literal gloss: Ọlọ́yè (pesin wey hold title / chif) + ńlá (mighty / big well-well).
- Idiomatic English: "The great titled chief" (Thompson) .
- Wetin e mean: E dey confirm say Erinlẹ̀'s get proper civic nobility and royal rank for inside di urban political structure of Yorùbá kingdoms .
- Wetin dem dey use am do: Dem dey sing am during formal civic procession wen di priests dey interact wit di king and palace chifs.
- Scenarios (Wey dem mention): Di royal court dey sing am during di yearly festival for Ìlóbùú wen di chief priest dey greet di Olóbu of Ìlóbùú .
- Importance and value: E dey remind di community say Erinlẹ̀ no be outcast wey dey waka about for bush, but na aristocrat and helper wey belong to royal lineage.
- Tonality: Mid-High-Low, High-High.
- Notes on translation: Ọlọ́yè na specifically administrative title-holder wey get aristocratic recognition, wey different from king wey wear crown through royal family line (Ọba).
Domains, Metaphysics, and Dual Ecology
Di cosmological office of Erinlẹ̀ get special amphibious double nature. Unlike orisha dem wey their power dey limited only to deep bush or strictly to water bodies, Erinlẹ̀ dey operate for di structural junction where di two environments meet .
+-------------------------+
| ERINLÈ |
| Amphibious Diviner- |
| Hunter and Physician |
+------------+------------+
|
+---------------+---------------+
| |
v v
[ TERRESTRIAL REALM ] [ AQUATIC REALM ]
- Deep Forest (Agbègbè Igbi) - Erinle River & Streams
- Master Hunter (Ọdẹ) - Freshwater Healing
- Megafauna Dominion (Elephant) - Female River Counterparts (Abàtàn)
- Herbal Medicine (Ọ̀sanyìn staff) - Sacred Smooth Stones (Òtá)
The Terrestrial Wilderness and Herbal Medicine
For im identity on top land, Erinlẹ̀ na supreme hunter (ọdẹ). For classical Yorùbá thought, hunting no be just work to make living: na esoteric discipline wey need special power over forest spirits, dangerous wild animals, and plant properties (ewé) .
Because hunting dey require make pesin stay long time inside deep forest (igbó), Erinlẹ̀ get full knowledge of pharmacology and herbal medicine. Dis one link im ritual practice directly to di one of Ọ̀sanyìn, di orisha of herbalism . Erinlẹ̀ dey represent how dem dey practicalize di use of wild plants for healing, using herbs wey dem gather from deep forest take cure sickness inside town.
The Aquatic Realm and Freshwater Healing
How Erinlẹ̀'s move from land forest enter river establish im identity as freshwater divinity. For Yorùbá cosmology, river water dey represent èrò, di principle of cooling, soothing, and to restore balance .
Di river still be di center of woman reproductive power and motherly protection, wey connect Erinlẹ̀ to di wider network of river goddesses like Ọ̀ṣun and Yemọja . Through im water nature, Erinlẹ̀ dey cool di heavy heat (gbígbóná) wey dey come from war, physical sickness, and ritual pollution. Because of dat, im shrines dey use river water take cool, heal, and give children to devotees wey dey look for pikin .
Ìtàn and Historical Narratives
Oral history narratives (ìtàn) dey present Erinlẹ̀ as human leader on earth and master hunter wey reach divinity through historical good deeds and miracle disappearance .
The Foundation of Ìlóbùú
Di story wey dem document pass dey establish Erinlẹ̀ as di patron protector of Ìlóbùú town for present-day Osun State . According to local oral history records, one hunter wey dem dey call Laarosin found di settlement of Ìlóbùú. For di early days of di settlement, Erinlẹ̀ serve as guide and protector .
One central episode for di story explain how Erinlẹ̀ defend di town against enemy military attack, especially Fulani horse-soldier attacks during di nineteenth-century regional wars wey change Oyo Empire . Using im esoteric knowledge of di forest and im warrior power, Erinlẹ̀ stop di invading forces, and protect di people of Ìlóbùú make dem survive .
The Transfiguration into the River
Inside indigenous Yorùbá metaphysics, big-level heroes and royal ancestors many times no dey die biological death (kò kú). Instead, dem dey vanish enter ground (wọle) or change enter natural landmarks like rocks, hills, or rivers .
Di tradition record say wen e finish im work for earth, Erinlẹ̀ waka go di outskirts of Ìlóbùú and enter ground . For di exact spot where e vanish, water burst comot from di earth, become Erinle River, wey be major tributary of Osun River . Through dis transfiguration, di physical bodi of di hunter turn into di permanent, flowing bodi of di river, wey make sure say im protective presence go dey available to di community forever .
Historical Hunter / Warrior
│
▼ [Esoteric Mastery and Civic Defense]
Vanishes into the Earth (Wọle)
│
▼ [Metamorphic Transfiguration]
Erinle River (Sacred Tributary)
Scholarly Disagreements and Ambiguities
Scholars of Yorùbá religion and regional history note several points where dis stories take differ:
- Primordial Divinity versus Deified Ancestor: J. Omosade Awolalu classify Erinlẹ̀ mainly as earthly hero and royal helper wey dem turn to god afta im die sake of extraordinary service wey im do . But indigenous ritual specialist dem for Ìlóbùú and historical analysis by Drewal, Pemberton, and Abiodun point out traditions wey treat am as original protective god wey don dey before human beings settle for there .
- Relationship to Laarosin: Regional oral traditions no agree on who first reach there. One tradition tok say Erinlẹ̀ lead Laarosin straight go the empty land wey later turn Ìlóbùú; anoda tradition maintain say Laarosin don already settle for the land before im meet Erinlẹ̀ wey dey stay inside the forest wey dey nearby .
- Gaps in the Chronological Record: History record no tok the exact century wey the hunter live for real life before dem turn am to god. Even though local memory put the nineteenth-century Fulani wars join inside the miracles wey im do to protect people, historians generally agree say the original worship for the river don dey before the nineteenth-century war attack dem .
Regional Spread
Apart from im main worship center for Ìlóbùú, how dem dey worship Erinlẹ̀ spread enter plenti towns inside the historical Oyo area of influence, including Okuku, Ifon-Orolu, and southwest go reach Yewaland (wey dem dey call Egbado before) . For Yewaland, im worship mix with deep traditions of ceramic ritual pots, wey come form regional artistic and priest family line dem .
Material Culture, Iconography, and Shrines
The material culture wey dem dedicate to Erinlẹ̀ combine im two identities well as hunter for forest and doctor for river .
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------+
| SACRED SHRINE ENSEMBLE |
| |
| +-----------------------+ +-------------------+ |
| | Ọ̀PÁ ERINLÈ | | AWO ÒTÁ ERINLÈ | |
| | | | | |
| | - Forged Iron Staff | | - Ceramic Vessel | |
| | - Surmounting Birds | | - Sacred Water | |
| | - Herbal Potency | | - Smooth Stones | |
| +-----------------------+ +-------------------+ |
| |
| METALS & ADORNMENTS: |
| - Lead (Òjé) and Brass (Ide): Noble cooling materials |
| - Coral Beads (Ìyùn) and Cowries (Owó Ẹyọ): Aristocratic wealth |
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------+
Ọ̀pá Erinlẹ̀ (The Forged Iron Staff)
The main land symbol of Erinlẹ̀ na the Ọ̀pá Erinlẹ̀, long staff wey dem forge from iron .
- Iconographic Structure: One central bird dey on top the staff, wey smaller birds surround am, as dem perch on top inverted cone or arms wey spread out .
- Symbolism: This design resemble the Ọ̀pá Ọ̀sanyìn (herbalism staff) well well. For Yorùbá visual metaphor, birds represent the deep night spiritual powers of the universe (ẹlẹ́yẹ or "owners of birds") and the power of the mind to travel pass physical boundaries . The presence of birds on top iron staff show say the hunter-healer get complete power to control and direct these strong spiritual forces to heal people .
Awo Òtá Erinlẹ̀ (The Sacred Stone Vessel)
The main water symbol na the Awo Òtá Erinlẹ̀, ritual vessel wey smooth stones dey inside water .
- Vessel Construction: Dem usually make am from clay pot or cast brass, and e dey often get sculpted figures of hunters, animals, or female devotees wey balance pots for their head .
- Òtá (Smooth River Stones): Inside the vessel, smooth and dark river stones (òtá) dey, wey dem pick directly from the bed of the Erinle River . For Yorùbá understanding of reality, dem see river stones as tin wey no fit spoil, wey dey show the physical body of the god and im cooling presence (èrò) wey dey last . Dem dey give devotees the sacred water inside the pot to cure sickness and make woman get belle .
Ceramics of Yewaland: The Master Potter Àbàtàn
For Yewaland, the making of ceramic vessels for Erinlẹ̀ reach high level of artistic specialization. Anthropologist Robert Farris Thompson document the work of Àbàtàn, one twentieth-century master potter and priestess of Erinlẹ̀ for the town of Òkè-Òdàn .
Àbàtàn design special shrine vessels wey get sculpted lids wey show mother figures and devotees, wey show how personal artistic innovation work inside strict traditional religious rules to praise Erinlẹ̀'s healing and child-giving gifts .
Metals and Aristocratic Regalia
- Lead (Òjé) and Brass (Ide): While Ogun dey connected with raw iron, Erinlẹ̀ shrines dey often get lead and brass vessels, ornaments, and staffs . Lead, wey be heavy, soft, and cool metal, dey show the cooling and restorative power of the god, while brass dey show royal prestige .
- Beads and Cowries: Dem dey decorate shrines and priest clothes with cowries (owó ẹyọ) and deep red coral beads (ìyùn), wey show Erinlẹ̀'s wealth, hunting bounty, and historical connection with royal palaces .
Priesthood, Ritual Protocols, and Festivals
The organized worship of Erinlẹ̀ for southwestern Nigeria dey under the care of specialized male-and-female priesthood wey dey work inside established civic and liturgical structures .
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------+
| PRIESTHOOD LEADERSHIP |
| |
| [ Awòrò Erinlẹ̀ ] [ Ìyá Erinlẹ̀ ] |
| - High Priest - Chief Priestess |
| - Terrestrial & Civic Rites - Aquatic & Shrine Rites |
| - Forest & Hunting Sacrifices - River Grove Offerings |
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------+
Priest Hierarchy
- Awòrò Erinlẹ̀: Di chief male priest wey dey responsible to lead public ceremony, do ground sacrifices, and maintain di civic connection between di cult and di king wey dey rule .
- Ìyá Erinlẹ̀: Di senior female priestess wey dey supervise di custody of di sacred river pots (awo òtá), dey direct how to prepare medicinal water, and dey lead women prayer for riverbank .
Di Annual Festival (Ọdún Erinlẹ̀ / Ọdún Olóbu)
Di main public festival for Erinlẹ̀ dey happen every year for Ìlóbùú, mostly for October . Di festival dey serve as both religious revival and civic renewal of di town covenant with di deity wey dey protect dem .
[ PHASE 1: Bọ Orí Adé ]
Veneration of the Royal Ancestral Crowns at the Palace
│
▼
[ PHASE 2: Civic Processions & Masquerades ]
Public dances, military displays, and priestly chants
│
▼
[ PHASE 3: Rites at the Sacred River Grove ]
Procession to the Erinle River and offering of the live ram
- Phase 1: Bọ Orí Adé. Di festival dey start for di palace of di Olóbu of Ìlóbùú with ritual respect to di royal crowns (Bọ Orí Adé), to recognize di historic alliance between di crown and di hunter-deity .
- Phase 2: Civic Processions. Procession dey pass through di town, wey di Awòrò Erinlẹ̀ dey lead, together with priestesses wey wear white and use lead ornaments decorate body, and family masquerades wey dey remember historical warriors .
- Phase 3: The River Grove Offering. Di main climax rites dey take place for inside di sacred forest grove along di banks of Erinle River .
Offerings and Taboos Wey Dem Prescribe
- Sacrificial Offerings: Di main animal offering wey dem dey give Erinlẹ̀ for im river grove na live ram (àgbò), along with roasted yam, palm oil, and cold water . Dem dey offer di blood of di ram and parts of di feast to di river water make rainfall dey for farming, make women for community dey born, and make town fit win civic trouble .
- Taboos (Èèwọ̀): Even though specific family get dia own dietary restrictions, di common prohibitions include make person no misuse medicinal knowledge, no do violence inside di river grove, and make person no carry dirty or boiling water come im shrine .
Di Matter of Abàtàn
One important area for worship and theological matter na di figure of Abàtàn and how she relate structurally to Erinlẹ̀ .
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------+
| THE IDENTIFICATION OF ABÀTÀN |
| |
| [ MAINLAND YORÙBÁ TRADITION ] [ TRANSATLANTIC DIASPORA ] |
| - Consort and Female Counterpart - Inseparable Companion, Guide, |
| - Associated with Marshes & Mud - Or Distinct Road/Camino |
| - Master Ceramicist Tradition - Male or Androgynous Entity |
| (e.g., Potter Àbàtàn of Yewaland) - Tied to Inle's Staff Emblem |
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------+
Mainland Yorùbá Sources
For southwestern Nigeria, especially for Yewa and Oyo areas, dem document Abàtàn as female river spirit, di wife or close female partner of Erinlẹ̀ .
- Etymology and Domain: Di name come from a-bà-tàn or abàtà (marsh, swamp, wetland). While Erinlẹ̀ dey control di flowing river current, Abàtàn dey govern di fertile marshland, silt, and alluvial mud wey dey where water meet di land .
- Pottery Connection: Because alluvial clay na di main raw material for ceramic shrine pots, dem dey celebrate Abàtàn as di patron deity of female potters. Dis connection show well for di life of di master potter Àbàtàn, wey dem name after di deity, wey make classic worship vessels for di Erinlẹ̀-Abàtàn cult .
Transatlantic Transformations
For di African diaspora, di way dem understand Abàtàn change well well:
- Lucumí (Cuba): As dem write am as Abata, dem rarely treat dis figure simply as female human partner. Instead, dem dey often classify Abata as male hunting partner, brother, inseparable guide wey dey live for swamp, or another path (camino) of Inle himself . For iconography side, dem dey receive Abata for Lucumí initiation alongside Inle, wey special ceramic vessel and metal emblems dey represent .
- Scholarly Consensus: Scholars see dis difference as example of how transatlantic ritual fragmentation and reassembly adapt mainland dual-gender pairs enter complex worship structures under diaspora conditions .
Transatlantic Transformations: Lucumí and Candomblé
Di Middle Passage carry di worship of Erinlẹ̀ go di Americas, where im cult develop along two different directions for Cuba and Brazil .
ERINLÈ IN NIGERIA
(Hunter-King, River Deity, Herbalist)
│
+----------------+----------------+
│ │
v v
LUCUMÍ (CUBA) CANDOMBLÉ (BRAZIL)
[ "Inle" / "Erinle" ] [ "Oxóssi Inlè / Ibualama" ]
- Autonomous Divinity - Subsumed into Oxóssi complex
- Divine Physician & Fisherman - Forest-River amphibious path
- Syncretized: St. Raphael - Syncretized: St. Bartholomew/Raphael
- Initiated via Yemojá (Oro) - Worshipped within Ketu terreiros
- Gender ambiguity / Elegance - Retains bow/arrow and iron staff
Lucumí Tradition (Cuba)
For Cuban Lucumí religious practice, dem know Erinlẹ̀ as Inle (or Inle Ayáiyá) .
Attributes and Divine Office
For Cuba, dem dey worship Inle as di supreme divine doctor, master fisherman, and patron of doctors, surgeons, and healthcare workers . Even though dem still maintain im identity as hunter inside oral stories (patakís), di way im connect with coastal water, marine life, and rivers come become di main thing inside di island environment of Cuba . Dem match am with Catholic Archangel Raphael, wey dem dey show dey hold fish and walking staff .
Material Culture and Initiation
- Iconography: Inle physical emblem na one special staff wey dem cast with lead or silver, wey get central staff with snake wey wrap round am, with fishhooks and marine designs for di sides, wey clearly join di symbols of medicine with fishing .
- Initiation Protocols: For orthodox Lucumí practice, dem hardly dey "crown" Inle direct for di head of person wey dey do initiation during di standard kariocha ceremony. Instead, initiates wey dem dedicate to Inle, na Yemojá dem dey crown for dem with oro for Inle (one special liturgical consecration where Yemojá dey act as di mother container wey dem dey use deliver Inle àṣẹ) . Di initiate dey also receive di sacred vessels and staffs of both Inle and Abata at di same time .
Gender Expression and Ambiguity
Ethnographic studies wey Lydia Cabrera and David H. Brown do document say Lucumí oral literature describe Inle with extraordinary physical beauty, aristocratic elegance, and clear androgyny . Inside diaspora liturgical communities, dem don long recognize Inle as divine patron of non-normative sexualities and gender fluidity, something wey totally different from di strictly hyper-masculine hunter-king archetype wey mainland Nigerian public cults dey emphasize .
Candomblé Tradition (Brazil)
Inside Brazilian Candomblé (mostly inside Ketu nation), di worship of Erinlẹ̀ follow different theological path .
Subsumption into the Oxóssi Complex
Instead of maintaining total organizational independence as freestanding deity wey get separate initiate lineage, dem mostly join Erinlẹ̀ inside Brazil enter di broader pantheon of hunter deities (Odé / Oxóssi) .
- Qualidade (Path): Dem dey worship am as Oxóssi Inlè or connect am with Oxóssi Ibualama, wey be one old, aristocratic path of di hunter deity wey dey stay inside deep waters and dey wear leather, beads, and iron ornaments .
- Syncretism and Domain: For Bahia, dem match am with Saint Bartholomew or Saint Raphael . Im keep im amphibious identity as di hunter wey belong to river depths, wey dey join di realm of di forest with di cool waters of Oxum and Yemanjá .
Summary of Diaspora Divergences
Di differences between mainland Yorùbá, Lucumí, and Candomblé traditions show how geographical, institutional, and social conditions shape liturgical evolution:
+-------------------------------------------------------------------------------+
| CROSS-REGIONAL COMPARISON |
+-------------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------------+
| Feature | Mainland Nigeria | Lucumí (Cuba) | Candomblé |
| | (Ìlóbùú/Yewaland) | | (Brazil) |
+-------------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------------+
| Autonomy | Freestanding royal | Autonomous deity; | Subsumed into |
| | river divinity | received with Abata| Oxóssi complex |
+-------------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------------+
| Primary Office | Hunter, warrior, | Physician, surgeon,| Forest-river |
| | town protector | master fisherman | hunter-elder |
+-------------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------------+
| Primary Metal | Forged Iron & Lead | Cast Lead & Silver | Forged Iron & |
| | (ọ̀pá erinlẹ̀) | (staff with fish) | Brass |
+-------------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------------+
| Gender Nuance | Male hunter-king | Androgynous beauty;| Aristocratic |
| | | patron of diversity| elder hunter |
+-------------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------------+
| Catholic Parallel | None | Saint Raphael the | Saint Raphael / |
| | | Archangel | Saint |
| | | | Bartholomew |
+-------------------+--------------------+--------------------+-----------------+
Gaps Wey Dey Inside History Records
Even though ethnography work from twentieth-century well document how ideas and worship style take change between West Africa, Cuba, and Brazil, the nineteenth-century transatlantic history records keep quiet about the particular people or family lineages from the region wey first carry the worship of Ìlóbùú cross the Atlantic .
Historians no fit trace the exact time for history or the particular institutional cabildos for Havana or terreiros for Salvador da Bahia wey Inle take change from protector of hunting for land to patron of ocean fishing and medicine . The scholarly record take note of wetin this change bring, but e no get the middle-stage nineteenth-century worship documents.