Oríkì Òrìṣà: Odùduwà, Ìyámi, Ìbejì, Ajé, Aganjú, Oko and Ọba
Seven further divinities' praise texts, from the ancestral founder to the deified river of a jealous co-wife, including two conflicting sources for the goddess of wealth.
This file closes this section's òrìṣà material with texts for seven further divinities: Odùduwà, the ancestral founder-figure; Ìyámi Òṣòròngà, the powerful mothers; Ìbejì, the sacred twins; Ajé, wealth, in two differently sourced texts; Aganjú; Òrìṣà Oko; and Ọba, the river-goddess third wife of Ṣàngó. 06-orisa and 23-orisa-deep hold the theology for each; this file presents only the oríkì.
Odùduwà
Odùdúwà ibá. Bàbá mi a dá ìwa. Odúà, a um ìwa gun. Olóotu Ifẹ̀. Jagunjagun, a fí wò ojú ọjọ́ bàbá mi jí l'ọ́wùúrọ̀ kùtùkùtù. Ó bẹ́ ẹ, yerí yerí l'óde Ifẹ̀. Odúà, a jagun sẹ́gun.
Presented with the tone marking as printed in the source, which is inconsistent in places (some words fully marked, others not) .
- Odùduwà, homage. My father, one who creates/establishes character/existence.
- Odúà, one who [firmly] establishes character rightly.
- Sole ruler of Ifẹ̀.
- Warrior, one who watches over the day, my father who wakes early in the morning.
- He arose, wandering about in the town of Ifẹ̀.
- Odúà, one who wages war and conquers.
Odùduwà, hail. My father who created existence. Odua, who firmly established true character. Sole ruler of Ifẹ̀. Warrior who watches over each day, my father who wakes early in the morning. He arose, walking about the town of Ifẹ̀. Odua, who wages war and is victorious.
Translator not individually named; the source is credited to "Oluwo Ifágboàlà," writing for the Instituto de Pesquisa Yorùbá, a Brazil-based Yoruba research institute, 2011 .
What it says. Odùduwà is addressed as both cosmological founder ("one who creates existence") and as a literal father figure and warrior-king specifically of Ifẹ̀, combining the mythic-ancestor and historical-conqueror strands that 06-orisa/09-oduduwa.md and the towns section both treat as distinct traditions about the same name.
Significance. This is one of the few texts in this section's harvest sourced to a Brazil-based Yoruba religious research institute rather than to Nigerian, European, or North American scholarship, and it documents that Odùduwà's oríkì circulates actively within the Brazilian Yoruba-derived religious community, a diaspora-side data point 08-diaspora and 27-diaspora-deep may find useful and which this file does not develop further.
Performed. Not independently stated in the source beyond general classification as a liturgical/praise poem.
No individual translator is named, and the source is a devotional blog rather than a peer-reviewed publication. Confidence: medium-to-low. The tone marking in the harvested Yoruba text is itself inconsistent, and this corpus reproduces it exactly as printed rather than regularising it, since regularising would mean supplying tone marks the source did not consistently supply.
Ìyámi Òṣòròngà
Ìbà ẹ̀yin ìyá mi Òṣòròngà Alágogo ẹ̀ṣùrú Alájọ̀gún ẹyẹ Ìyá mi Àtẹ́dọ̀jọ́kan Òpèpè a-tẹ́lẹ́bìn o Ó torí epo ó ṣ'ọwọ́ gbọgbọrọgbo Gbogbo yín kí ẹ ẹ fún mi l'áwo ṣe é Ìbà o
- Homage to you, my mother Òṣòròngà.
- Owner of the bell of ẹ̀ṣùrú (a yam species used symbolically).
- Co-owner of the bird [i.e. shares dominion over birds, associated with witchcraft transformation].
- My mother, Àtẹ́dọ̀jọ́kan [praise name].
- Òpèpè, one who spreads/lays out [a mat or covering], oh.
- Because of palm oil, she extends her hand far and wide.
- All of you, give me the divination tray to prepare it.
- Homage, oh.
Homage to you, my mother Oshoronga. Owner of the bell of eshuru. Co-owner of the bird. My mother Atedojokan. Opepe, one who spreads out [her covering], oh. Because of palm oil she extends her hand widely. All of you, give me the tray so I can prepare it. Homage, oh.
Translation as documented and analysed by Babatunde Lawal in The Gẹ̀lẹ̀dé Spectacle (1996), presenting the transcribed Yoruba text, epithet-by-epithet annotation, and English translation of the Gẹ̀lẹ̀dé ìbà/oríkì addressed to Ìyámi Òṣòròngà .
What it says. A formal homage sequence, opening with the direct maternal address "my mother," moving through specific totemic and ritual-object epithets (the bell, the bird, palm oil), and closing with a practical ritual request for the divination tray.
Significance. This is one of the highest-confidence texts in this section's òrìṣà material: Babatunde Lawal's The Gẹ̀lẹ̀dé Spectacle is a major scholarly monograph on the Gẹ̀lẹ̀dé masquerade tradition specifically, which is directly concerned with propitiating Ìyámi Òṣòròngà and the "powerful mothers," and the source is credited with providing not just a translation but line-by-line annotation. 23-orisa-deep/26-ìyámi-òsòròngà.md and 06-orisa/21-gelede.md hold the institutional and theological treatment of Gẹ̀lẹ̀dé and Ìyámi; this text is the liturgical material that tradition performs.
Performed. As the ìbà/oríkì opening a Gẹ̀lẹ̀dé performance, addressed to Ìyámi Òṣòròngà .
Ìbejì: the twins of Ìsòkun
Wíníwíní lójú orogún Ejìwọ̀rọ̀ lojú ìyá ẹ̀, Ẹ̀jìrẹ́ ará ìṣokún, Ẹdúnjobí, ọmọ a gbórí igi rétẹréte, Ọkàn ń bá bí méjì ló wọlé tọ míwá, Ọ́bẹ́kíṣì bẹ́kéṣé, Ó bé sílé alákìísa, Ó salákìísà donígba aṣọ. Gbajúmọ̀ ọmọ tíí gbàkúnlẹ̀ ìyá, Tíí gbàdọ̀bálẹ̀ lọ́wọ́ baba tó bí í lọmọ.
- Delicate/troublesome in the eyes of the co-wife,
- doubly astonishing in the eyes of their mother,
- twins, natives of Ìṣokun,
- [praise name], child who sits atop a spreading tree,
- one [child] became two who entered the house to meet us,
- [ideophone for a quick, decisive cutting action],
- it descended upon the home of the one dressed in rags,
- it turned the one dressed in rags into an owner of two hundred garments.
- Renowned child who receives the mother's kneeling greeting,
- who receives the father's full prostration, the one who bore them as children.
Very delicate in the eyes of the contenders, very awesome in the eyes of the mother, twins, the natives of Isokun (an ancient Yoruba town close to Oyo Alaafin), born of the species of Gorillas and Monkeys, children living atop different spreading trees. I would have given birth to...
Translated by Jadesola Taiwo Babatola, in "Oríkì Ìbejì: The Yoruba Prose for the Twins" (2018) .
What it says. Twins are praised as a source of both delicacy/difficulty (to a jealous co-wife) and wonder (to their own mother), tied to the town Ìṣokun near Ọ̀yọ́, and credited with a specific power to transform poverty into wealth (rags into two hundred garments) for the household that honours them properly, closing with a claim to the unusual degree of respect, full prostration from even the father, that twins are owed.
Significance. 06-orisa/16-ibeji.md treats the cultural and religious significance of twin veneration in Yoruba society; this text is a documented liturgical/praise example of that veneration in action, including the specific economic-blessing claim (transforming a poor household's fortune) that is one of the most commonly cited practical reasons twins are honoured with dedicated ceremony.
Performed. Naming ceremonies (ìkómọ) for twins, weekly or annual propitiation rituals, and feeding and care rituals dedicated to twins .
The literal gloss's "born of the species of gorillas and monkeys" (from the source's own English rendering, which the harvested record includes) is a striking and unexplained image this corpus reports rather than interprets; twins are associated across the wider Yoruba scholarship (documented in 06-orisa/16-ibeji.md) with the vervet monkey specifically as a totemic association, and this line likely reflects that association rather than being pejorative, but this corpus does not assert that reading without a source stating it explicitly.
Ajé: two texts, two sourcing tiers
The colonial-era dictionary entry
Samuel Àjàyí Crowther's 1852 A Vocabulary of the Yoruba Language records material on Ajé Ṣàlúgà as part of its lexicographic documentation of nineteenth-century Yoruba religious vocabulary . yoruba-oriki in 02-language already cites Crowther's dictionary as "a primary artifact of missionary lexicography" for a different entry (ológbò), and this corpus applies the same framing here: Crowther's material is presented as a documented historical artifact of missionary-era lexicography, not as neutral ethnography, per this corpus's rule to distinguish what the tradition says of itself from what colonial-era sources recorded about it. The specific oríkì content attributed to this entry in the harvested record is thin (a subject label rather than a transcribed praise text), and this corpus does not present a fuller text than the source actually supports.
The Monday morning invocation
Ajé káàrọ̀ o, Ajé Olókun Ògúgúlùṣọ̀, Ajé onísọ̀ ibòji, aṣèwe dàgbà, aṣàgbà déwe, ẹni tí ẹrú àti ọmọ ńfi ojojúmọ́ wá kiri, ìwọ ni labọmọ tí borí ayé, Ajé ìwọ lajíkí, Ajé ìwọ lajígé, Ajé ìwọ lajípe.
- Ajé, good morning, oh. Ajé of Olókun, [praise name, roughly "great sufficiency"].
- Ajé, owner of the shaded market stall.
- One who turns a youth into an elder, and turns an elder into a youth.
- The one whom both servants and freeborn children search for every day.
- You are the shelter that envelops and masters the world.
- Ajé, you are the one we wake to greet, Ajé, you are the one we wake to cherish, Ajé, you are the one we wake to call upon.
Good morning, Aje; Aje of Olokun, Oguguluso; Aje, owner of the shaded stall; one who makes the young mature and rejuvenates the elderly; the one whom both servants and children search for daily; you are the sanctuary that covers the world; Aje, you are the one we rise to greet...
Translation credited to "Babalawo Ojedayo / Traditional Yoruba Liturgical Corpus" (2023), source titled "Oríkì Ajé: Praise Poetry and Invocations for the Goddess of Wealth" .
What it says. A Monday-morning devotional structure (Ọjọ́ Ajé, the day named for Ajé), building an escalating set of "you are the one we wake to..." lines around commerce, the marketplace, and the reversal of ordinary age hierarchy through wealth.
Significance. This documents the practical, everyday liturgical use of Ajé's oríkì specifically at the start of the trading week, connecting the divinity directly to market life in a way that 06-orisa/15-the-smaller-orisa.md may treat more briefly; the text itself is the primary evidence for that connection.
Performed. At dawn daily by adherents, during Monday morning (Ọjọ́ Ajé) rituals, at the consecration of business spaces, and during annual Ajé festivals .
The source's only bare "facebook.com" URL and its translator credited under the title "Babalawo" (an Ifá priest's title) rather than a scholarly name mean this text sits at medium-to-low confidence, similar to the Ọ̀sanyìn Medium.com text in the previous file. It is retained because the Yoruba text is coherent, thematically consistent with documented Ajé practice elsewhere, and internally the strongest-sourced Ajé praise text this harvest turned up; readers should still weight it below the Crowther dictionary entry's documentary status and below the scholarly-monograph material elsewhere in this section.
Aganjú
Aganjù s'ọlá kíní 'ba kíní 'ba s'òògùn. A yà ròrò kíní 'ba 'ko, ẹ gbé mi ní yó. Ètélà bò júbà, gàdàgbà a júbà. Àṣẹ.
- Aganjú makes wealth/honour, first king, first king makes medicine.
- We turn with intensity to the first king of the farm/wilderness, carry me to satisfaction.
- The intermediary comes to pay homage, the vast/immense one, we pay homage. Àṣẹ.
Aganjú creates wealth, greetings to the first leader who makes medicine. We turn with serenity to the primary master of the cultivated earth; you sustain and carry me to total fulfillment. Thirteen times we return to offer homage; openly and boldly we pay homage. Àṣẹ.
Attributed to "traditional liturgical rendering," documented in comparative liturgical and devotional anthologies with a cross-reference to John Mason's Orin Òrìṣà (1992) .
What it says. A short homage text naming Aganjú, understood across the wider scholarship (treated in 23-orisa-deep/17-aganjú.md) variously as a divinity of volcanic land, wilderness, or, in some diaspora traditions, as Ṣàngó's father, and associating him here with wealth, medicine, and the cultivated/wild earth.
The idiomatic rendering's "thirteen times we return to offer homage" has no clear correspondent in the literal gloss above, which suggests either an interpretive addition by the translator or a fuller Yoruba source text than the excerpt harvested; this corpus flags the discrepancy rather than resolving it. Confidence: medium-to-low.
Performed. Ritual invocations, propitiations, libations, festival ceremonies, and consecrations dedicated to Aganjú, alongside Ṣàngó-associated rites .
Òrìṣà Oko
Òrìṣà Oko. Aní ọ̀pá owó. Òrìṣà Oko. Òní ẹja nílé jẹun àsán. Àjàlọ́run. Òrìṣà ọdẹ. Mọ́ padà lẹ́yìn mi. Òrìṣà Oko ṣe pẹ̀lẹ́ pẹ̀lẹ́.
- Òrìṣà Oko. One who holds a staff of cowrie shells.
- Òrìṣà Oko. One who has fish at home yet eats plain food.
- Sweeper of heaven.
- Òrìṣà of hunters.
- Do not withdraw from behind me.
- Òrìṣà Oko, be gentle, gentle [with us].
Òrìṣà Oko, he who holds a staff decorated with cowrie shells, Òrìṣà Oko, he who has fish at home but chooses to eat food without meat, one whose effect is felt in heaven, Òrìṣà of hunters, do not withdraw your support from me, Òrìṣà Oko, keep cool.
Translated by Amanda Villepastour, with Chief Alhaji Rábíù Àyándòkun, from Ancient Text Messages of the Yorùbá Bàtá Drum: Cracking the Code (2010), the same source that gives this section's Ọya bàtá text in oriki-orisa-osun-yemoja-oya .
What it says. Òrìṣà Oko, the divinity of farming and the earth's fertility, is praised through an ascetic image, having fish at home but choosing plain food, before a direct petition not to withdraw support, closing with the same "ṣe pẹ̀lẹ́ pẹ̀lẹ́" gentleness formula the Ọya bàtá text also uses.
Significance. The recurrence of the exact closing formula "ṣe pẹ̀lẹ́ pẹ̀lẹ́" across both this text and the Ọya bàtá text, both drawn from the same drummed-text source, documents that this is a standardised closing convention within the bàtá praise repertoire specifically, not a coincidence of two unrelated translations landing on the same English phrase.
Performed. Bàtá drum invocations, devotional rituals, and festival celebrations dedicated to Òrìṣà Oko .
Ọba: the jealous river
Ọba, Ọba, Ọba. Ojúowú òrìṣà, ẹkẹta aya Ṣàngó. Ó torí owú, ó kọlà sí gbogbo ara. Olókìkí ọkọ. A rìn lógànjọ́ pẹ̀lú àwọn àjẹ́. Ọba onísùúrù, a jí jẹ́wúrẹ́.
- Ọba, Ọba, Ọba. Jealous-eyed divinity, third wife of Ṣàngó.
- Because of jealousy, she cut marks (incisions) all over her body.
- She who proclaims the fame of her husband.
- One who walks at midnight together with the àjẹ́ (powerful women, sometimes glossed as witches).
- Patient Ọba, one who wakes to eat goat.
Ọba, Ọba, Ọba. Jealous deity, third wife of Ṣàngó. Out of jealousy, she marked her entire body with incisions. She who proclaims the renown of her husband. She who walks at midnight in company with the àjẹ́. Patient Ọba, who wakes early to receive the consecrated...
Translated by Pierre Fatumbi Verger, from his 1957 Bahia field study, also cited for the Ṣàngó and Ọba material this corpus's diaspora and Ọya files draw on .
What it says. Ọba, the deified river, is praised through the specific mythic episode of jealousy toward a co-wife (in the wider tradition, usually Ọ̀ṣun) leading to self-mutilation, alongside a claim to nocturnal association with the àjẹ́, the powerful women whose Yoruba conception is treated carefully and without the flattening "witch" label in 18-women and 04-cosmology.
Significance. This text documents Ọba's oríkì as inseparable from a specific narrative (the co-wife rivalry myth), which 06-orisa and 23-orisa-deep/13-oba.md treat in fuller mythic detail; the oríkì here functions as a compressed reference to a story the audience is assumed already to know, exactly the allusive mechanism yoruba-oriki and oriki-poetics-and-untranslatability describe as characteristic of the genre: four words carrying an entire incident for a hearer who already has the context.
Performed. Annual festivals for Ọba and Ṣàngó, weekly shrine worship days, and initiation ceremonies .
Notes. The word àjẹ́, glossed here neutrally as "powerful women" rather than "witches," is treated at length in 18-women for its actual meaning in Yoruba cosmology as distinct from the pejorative Western association; this file uses the neutral gloss deliberately and refers readers to that fuller treatment rather than restating it.