Ṣàngó is worshipped as the òrìṣà of thunder and named in Ọ̀yọ́ king lists as the fourth Aláàfin, and this file sets out what each tradition says, why the two cannot simply be merged, and what scholars have argued.
The Yorùbá wey dem quote, the proverbs, oríkì, ẹsẹ Ifá, word list headwords, Odù names and citations dey exactly as the corpus record dem, for every language.
Ṣàngó na one of the òrìṣà wey dem dey worship pass for the whole world, wey dem dey honour for Nigeria, Benin, Cuba, Brazil and Trinidad, and dem still put am inside the Ọ̀yọ́ dynastic tradition as the fourth Aláàfin, pikin of Ọ̀rànmíyàn wey rule with violence, wey people abandon, wey hang imself for one place wey dem dey call Kòso, and wey dem turn to god after im die. The relationship between this two fact na the main question and dem never settle am. This file separate the story wey Ọ̀yọ́ tradition dey tell, the position of Ṣàngó worship itself, and wetin historians don argue, and e no try to judge between dem.
Im brother Ajaka, wey rule before am, wey dem comot for throne because of am, and wey return go the throne after im die, na the other half of the story and dem dey usually leave am out of popular accounts, wetin make those accounts weak well-well.
The version wey complete pass wey dem publish na Samuel Johnson own, wey e record for late nineteenth century from Ọ̀yọ́ palace tradition and publish for 1921 . Johnson give Ọ̀rànmíyàn two sons wey rule one after the other, Ajaka and Ṣàngó, and e treat the two of dem as people wey become god after dem die.
Ajaka, wey dem still dey call Ajuan, first hold the throne as regent when im papa commot go Ilé-Ifẹ̀ and later dem confirm am as king. Johnson describe am say e no be like im papa: e dey peaceful, e put body for farming, and e dey encourage am. Dem dethrone am because e soft too much for time of war and because e allow provincial kings dey encroach, especially the Olówu, wey force am to pay tribute. E pull back go Igbodo for seven years while im brother dey reign. Na him be the only Aláàfin for the list wey hold the throne two times .
Dem describe Ṣàngó, wey dem still dey call Olúfìran, as pesin wey get wild character, fiery temper, and wey sabi tricks with hand, with habit of to dey bring out fire and smoke from im mouth wey make im people dey fear am more. E reject the tribute demand from the Olówu, win the war wey follow am, and turn tyrant as e dey get success. Johnson talk say na him move the seat of government go Ọ̀yọ́ through one plan: after e make dem mark one Hausa slave with 122 razor cuts as punishment for negligence, and e come see say people admire the scars wey come out, e make facial and arm marking a badge of royalty, den e convince the ruler of Ọ̀yọ́-kòró and im chiefs make dem agree do the same marking and e attack dem on the third day when dem body still dey pain dem too much to fight back . Johnson record say Ṣàngó imself collect only two cuts for each arm, and say the marks wey dem know as kẹ́yọ, two broad ribbon marks for arm, dem keep am inside the royal family as badge, and dem dey call members of the family Akẹ́yọ .
The end, as Johnson tell am, come from Ṣàngó's own charm making. As e dey experiment with preparation to attract lightning, e test am on top im own house from one hill; lightning strike the palace and burn am, and many of im wives and children die. As this thing break am, and people resist am when e try to step down from throne, e kill 160 people for vex, den e take small followers start journey go im mama Nupe people. Im head slave and favourite Bíri turn back, Òmìrán follow, and Ṣàngó, wey dey alone and no fit return because of shame, hang imself for shea butter tree. Im friends bury am under am. Bíri kill imself for Kòso where the king die, Òmìrán do the same thing, im cousin Ọmọ Sìndà for Papo, Babayanmi for Sele, Obei for Jakuta, and Ọya im favourite wife for Ira .
Johnson den record the practice wey follow: anytime lightning flash and thunder sound for Yoruba and Popo towns, the people dey shout out. E give the words as "Ka wo o, ka biye si."
Original (as Johnson print am, for im pre-standard orthography):
Ká wọ ò, ká bíyè sí
Literal gloss. Ká wò ó, "make we look am"; ká bí ọ̀yẹ̀ sí, "make dem add to im reign." The formula na royal acclamation and dem no dey direct am to ordinary god of weather; dem dey direct am give king.
Idiomatic English, Johnson own translation: "welcome to your majesty, long live the King"
Notes on the translation. Johnson explanation loose for way wey dey reveal things. The acclamation na the standard Yoruba greeting give ọba wey dey rule, and the way dem dey use am when thunder sound na the exact point: dem dey greet the thunder as the king. Na here also the phrase Ọba kò so, "the king no hang," join, wey be the standard explanation for the place name Kòso and for the Ṣàngó title Ọba Kòso. The devotional tradition dey use that phrase take deny the suicide, and Johnson, wey report the suicide, dey record the dynastic account instead of the devotional one. Both of dem na Yoruba traditions and dem dey in direct conflict on top the main fact.
Ajaka return and reign again, and Johnson talk say e come back transformed, e ready for war pass how im brother be, as e go fight successful campaigns enter Nupe country and after that e fight civil wars against plenty of im own chiefs and provincial kings including the Oníkòyí, the Olúgbọ̀n and the Arẹ̀sà . Johnson make im own method clear for one point inside this material, as e write about the Nupe expedition say "what is certain is, that the expedition was successful but by what means, it is not really known," and e add say people dey normally attribute brave deeds to supernatural powers . Na nineteenth-century Yoruba historian dey mark im own evidence be that, and e good make pesin notice am.
Ṣàngó worship no dey present itself as cult of dead king wey dem cover up im suicide. Ọba Kòso, "the king no hang," na positive theological statement inside the tradition: the king no die that way, e enter inside ground and become òrìṣà. Dem associate the òrìṣà with thunder, lightning, fire, the double axe, the ram, and with justice as force, and to get possession by Ṣàngó na central practice for the cult. The stone celts wey dey commot when dem dey plough farm, ẹdùn àrá, dem take dem as im thunderstones and dem dey keep dem for im shrines. Dem treat the òrìṣà material fully inside the òrìṣà section of this corpus.
The main point here be say the cult own story no need the biography wey the king list dey give, and for their main formula, dem even deny am. Any reader wey try settle the matter by saying "na real king wey dem later turn to god" dey take the historians way of looking at things pass the practitioners own, and dem suppose know say na wetin dem dey do be that.
Three positions dey inside the literature and none get total agreement.
The historical king wey dem turn to god. The oldest scholarly view, and the one wey follow Johnson pass, take Ṣàngó as the fourth Aláàfin wey him dramatic death and violent reputation create cult for am. C. L. Adeoye and other scholars inside Yoruba-language scholarly tradition don work with this idea say the historical person dey inside the Ọ̀yọ́ list . The wahala with this one be say e make the cult main denial look like say na cover story dem dey do.
One òrìṣà wey don dey before, wey the king take him name. Akíntúndé Akínyẹmí don argue against the deification reading based on wetin dey inside the tradition itself: all Aláàfin of Ọ̀yọ́ dey turn god after dem die, and plenty of dem die through suicide, so neither turning to god nor suicide make Ṣàngó different or explain why na him alone become major òrìṣà. The other option wey him bring out be say one mythical Ṣàngó don dey before the historical Aláàfin, say the king na devotee wey take the name and attributes, and say na later dem come mix the two together . This one get sense because e explain why the cult own story dey contradict the royal list, and e match the fact say Ṣàngó worship old and spread far pass wetin Ọ̀yọ́ political power cover for that period.
The cult as tool for Ọ̀yọ́ government work. The third idea, wey fit agree with any of the two above, look Ṣàngó worship as political institution. Ọ̀yọ́ use the Ṣàngó priesthood for administration, and the cult travel with Ọ̀yọ́ power, wey make the state get reason to tie the òrìṣà to the royal house no matter which one come first. The essays wey Joel E. Tishken, Toyin Falola and Akíntúndé Akínyẹmí, eds., gather inside Sàngó in Africa and the African Diaspora, na the standard place to see how these arguments face each other .
One Nupe side also dey wey the traditions themselves show. Ṣàngó's mama na Torosi, the daughter of the Nupe king Elempe, both for Johnson and inside the wider tradition , and people don read Ṣàngó iconography and how the cult connect to Nupe land as something wey show real cultural exchange instead of just story to sweet family tree.
E almost dey certain say one Aláàfin dey wey dem remember under this name for the Ọ̀yọ́ list. E also dey certain say one òrìṣà of thunder dey wey people dey worship for area wey wide pass wetin Ọ̀yọ́ ever rule, and even cross the Atlantic. Whether the second one come from the first one, the first one from the second one, or both of dem come from one earlier source, no evidence currently dey to prove am, and any strong talk for any direction, including the common talk say "Ṣàngó na real king wey dem later turn to god," pass wetin evidence fit show.
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