Òwe on Elders, Seniority and Respect

This file collects Yorùbá proverbs on àgbà, the elder, and on the deference owed to age and seniority more generally. The proverbs are not a simple charter for gerontocracy. Alongside the expected material on the youth's duty to defer, there is a substantial counter-current holding elders to a standard: an elder who cannot feed the young has no claim to command them, an elder who wrongs a youth forfeits the right to complain of disrespect, an elder's wickedness lands on his own child. Age confers standing in this material, but standing is repeatedly shown as conditional on conduct rather than automatic.

A second thing to notice is where Owomoyela places this material. His own thematic section "On relationships with elders" runs together straightforward age-deference proverbs with several that read, in isolation, as being about friendship, money and quarrels between any two people rather than about age specifically. That placement is the book's own editorial judgment, not this compiler's, and it is followed here rather than second-guessed: the boundary between "elder" and "senior acquaintance" is evidently looser in Owomoyela's own arrangement than the English rubric "elders" suggests.

How this file is sourced

The proverbs below are drawn directly from Oyekan Owomoyela, Yoruba Proverbs (University of Nebraska Press, 2005), the standard 5,235-proverb collection 2. Unlike files 10 and 11 in this section, which drew on the digitised excerpt The Good Person hosted at yoruba.unl.edu, this file's material comes from parts of the 2005 book that are not part of that digitised excerpt (the excerpt covers only Part One, "the good person"; the elder material sits in Part Three, "relationships"). The compiler worked from page images of the printed book, transcribing the Yorùbá text, Owomoyela's own English translation, and his bracketed usage note directly from the page as printed, with full tone marking as it appears in the source 2. Where Owomoyela supplies an explanatory footnote, it is cited in the Notes field.

Entries below are numbered sequentially for this file; the number in brackets after each heading where relevant refers back to Owomoyela's own numbering (in the low 2800s and low-to-mid 3300s of his continuous sequence) so a reader with the book can locate the original. The literal line in each record is by the compiler of this corpus, working from Owomoyela's printed Yorùbá to expose the metaphor his idiomatic rendering smooths. The used when line follows Owomoyela's usage annotation, which he supplies for nearly every entry in this section.

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What elders are owed

1. Ọmọdé kì í wò ṣóṣó níbùjókòó àgbà.

Literal: Ọmọdé kì í wò ṣóṣó a-youth does-not stare-fixedly níbùjókòó àgbà in-the-sitting-place-of an-elder.

Idiomatic: A youth does not stare when in the company of elders. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Etiquette requires a young person to avert direct, fixed attention from an elder present.

Used when: Cited to correct a young person's manner in front of older company, and more generally to state the standard of deference expected in mixed-age gatherings 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's own gloss reads it as demanding averted or at least deferential eyes toward age 2. The proverb concerns bodily comportment rather than speech, which is a distinct register of Yorùbá elder-deference from the speaking-order proverbs below.

2. Ọmọdé féé kú, ó ní ẹnu àgbà ńrùn.

Literal: Ọmọdé féé kú a-youth wants to-die ó ní ẹnu àgbà ńrùn he-says mouth of-elder stinks.

Idiomatic: A child seeks death [when] he says the mouth of an elder stinks. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Open disrespect for an elder invites a fate as final as death.

Used when: Said to check a young person who has spoken contemptuously of an elder's words or presence 2.

Notes: The bracketed "[when]" is Owomoyela's own insertion for clarity. The proverb equates a specific insult, mockery of an elder's speech, with a wish for annihilation, which marks it as one of the harsher items in this file rather than a mild courtesy rule.

3. Ìkonkoso-ó tiiri pa eku, ìwọ̀-ọ́ tiiri pa ẹja, ọkàa bàbà-á tiiri wo olóko; bí ọmọdé ó bàá àgbà jẹun tiiri ní ńtiiri.

Literal: Ìkonkoso-ó tiiri pa eku the-mousetrap leans-and-kills the-mouse ìwọ̀-ọ́ tiiri pa ẹja the-hook leans-and-kills the-fish ọkàa bàbà-á tiiri wo olóko the-guinea-corn-stalk leans and-watches the-farmer bí ọmọdé ó bàá àgbà jẹun if a-child will with an-elder eat tiiri ní ńtiiri leaning is-what it-does.

Idiomatic: The mousetrap leans to one side to kill the mouse; the hook bends in order to kill the fish; the guinea corn leans sideways to watch the farmer; if a child will eat with an elder, it is proper for the child to lean to the side. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Deference at table with an elder is compared to a whole set of things in nature that work only by tilting away from true.

Used when: Cited to instruct a young person on physical posture and general forwardness when eating or sitting with elders and superiors 2.

Notes: Owomoyela reads the whole proverb as counselling against being too forward in an elder's company 2. The three natural images that precede the human instruction are a common Yorùbá rhetorical build, stacking observed cases before the point they illustrate, which intensifies the final clause rather than merely decorating it.

4. Ẹ̀gbọ́n iwájú: alùgbọn baba.

Literal: Ẹ̀gbọ́n iwájú elder-sibling in-front alùgbọn baba substitute of-father.

Idiomatic: One's older brother [is a suitable] substitute father. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Respect owed to a father extends to whoever stands in the senior position, sibling or not.

Used when: Said to extend filial deference to an older relative who is not literally a parent 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's own gloss widens the claim beyond the literal sibling case to elders generally 2. This proverb belongs with the family material in file 10, and its presence here shows how thin the line is between kin-seniority and elder-seniority in Owomoyela's own arrangement.

5. Ká dọ̀bálẹ̀, ká pa ìgbọ̀nwọ́ mọ́: ó ní ohun tí ńṣe fúnni.

Literal: Ká dọ̀bálẹ̀ let-us prostrate ká pa ìgbọ̀nwọ́ mọ́ and clap the-elbows together ó ní ohun tí ńṣe fúnni it-has thing that does for-one.

Idiomatic: To prostrate oneself and bring one's hands together: there are certain things one gains from so doing. (Owomoyela, footnoted)

Meaning: The formal gesture of respect to an elder is not empty; it brings real return.

Used when: Cited to argue that paying visible homage to elders is not merely custom but pays off 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's footnote identifies the posture described as the Yorùbá man's specific way of showing respect to elders 2. The proverb is transactional in a way several others in this file are not, treating deference as an investment rather than a duty performed for its own sake.

6. Ẹni tí a bá nídìí àbà ní ńjẹ́ baba.

Literal: Ẹni tí a bá nídìí àbà whoever one finds settled-at the-granary ní ńjẹ́ baba is-who is-called father.

Idiomatic: The person one finds settled at the granary is the lord of the place. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Whoever was there first, or has already achieved something, is owed deference regardless of formal rank.

Used when: Cited to argue for regard toward people who arrived at a place, or accomplished a thing, before oneself 2.

Notes: Owomoyela cross-references two other entries in his sequence making the same point, numbered 3326 and 3456 in his continuous numbering 2. This proverb generalises seniority from age to precedence of any kind, which is a wider claim than most entries in this file make.

7. Ipa abẹ́rẹ́ lokùn ńtọ̀.

Literal: Ipa abẹ́rẹ́ the-path-blazed-by the-needle lokùn ńtọ̀ is-what the-thread follows.

Idiomatic: It is the path blazed by the needle that the thread follows. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: The junior follows where the senior has already gone.

Used when: Cited to argue that one should emulate one's elders rather than strike out on an untested course 2.

Notes: The image is drawn from sewing, where the needle necessarily precedes the thread through the cloth, so the metaphor states a mechanical fact about the two objects' relationship rather than an arbitrary comparison.

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What elders owe in return

8. Àgbà tí kò fọ̀ mọ́ni níkùn kì í fọ̀ mọ́ni lórí.

Literal: Àgbà tí kò fọ̀ mọ́ni níkùn an-elder who does-not make-an-impression on-one's stomach kì í fọ̀ mọ́ni lórí does-not make-an-impression on-one's head.

Idiomatic: An elder who does not make an impression on one's stomach does not make an impression on one's mind. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: An elder who cannot or will not feed you has no claim to command your thinking either.

Used when: Cited to argue that a venerable elder who does not provide for the young cannot expect to be obeyed by them 2.

Notes: Fọ̀ ... lórí, to make an impression on the head, is the idiom for commanding someone's mind or opinion, and the proverb ties that authority directly to the stomach, an unusually blunt materialist claim about the basis of respect.

9. Àgbà tí kò yáni légbàá ìkọ̀kọ̀, bó bá dáṣẹ ilé sílẹ̀ a kì í lọ.

Literal: Àgbà tí kò yáni légbàá ìkọ̀kọ̀ an-elder who does-not secretly-lend one six-pence bó bá dáṣẹ ilé sílẹ̀ if he undertakes a-house-building a kì í lọ one does-not go.

Idiomatic: An elder who does not secretly lend one six pence: if he embarks on building a house, one does not show up to help. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Reciprocity runs both directions between an elder and those junior to him.

Used when: Cited to justify withholding customary communal labour from an elder who has never quietly helped the speaker 2.

Notes: The "secretly" is significant: the loan being described is a private favour rather than a public duty, and the proverb's logic is that private generosity, not formal rank, is what earns the young person's voluntary labour later.

10. Àgbà tó bú èwe lèwe ḿbú.

Literal: Àgbà tó bú èwe an-elder who insults a-youth lèwe ḿbú is-what the-youth insults.

Idiomatic: It is an elder who insults a youth that a youth insults. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Disrespect from the young toward elders is provoked, not spontaneous.

Used when: Cited to place the origin of a specific breach of respect on the elder who started it 2.

Notes: Owomoyela notes this proverb belongs with two following entries in his sequence making the same claim, that elders earn respect only if they extend it first 2. This directly qualifies entry 2 above: the death-wish proverb assumes an unprovoked insult, while this one covers the retaliatory case.

11. Àgbà tó gba gbàdù, ó gba ìtùnú.

Literal: Àgbà tó gba gbàdù an-elder who has received a-calamity ó gba ìtùnú he has-received consolation.

Idiomatic: An elder who has experienced a disaster has earned commiseration. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: An elder's misfortune obliges sympathy from those around him.

Used when: Cited as a reminder to be sensitive to an elder's troubles rather than indifferent to them 2.

Notes: The proverb treats consolation as something earned or received rather than freely given, using the same verb, gba, to receive, for both the calamity and the comfort that follows it, a symmetry the English cannot preserve.

12. Àgbà tó gbin èbù ìkà, orí ọmọ-ọ rẹ̀ ni yó hù sí.

Literal: Àgbà tó gbin èbù ìkà an-elder who plants seed-yams of-wickedness orí ọmọ-ọ rẹ̀ ni yó hù sí on-the-head of-his-child is-where it-will sprout.

Idiomatic: An elder who plants yams of wickedness will see them sprout on the head of his child. (Owomoyela, cross-referencing two other entries)

Meaning: An elder's cruelty does not stay with the elder; it falls on his own descendants.

Used when: Cited as a warning to an elder behaving wickedly, framed as a threat to his children rather than to himself 2.

Notes: Owomoyela cross-references this to two other entries in his numbering making the identical claim 2, which suggests it is a recurring formula rather than a single coinage. The agricultural metaphor, planting and sprouting, casts wrongdoing as something with its own growth cycle independent of the wrongdoer's will.

13. Àgbà tó jẹ à-jẹ-ì-wẹ̀hìn ni yó ru ẹrù-u rẹ̀ délé.

Literal: Àgbà tó jẹ à-jẹ-ì-wẹ̀hìn an-elder who eats the-eating-without-looking-back ni yó ru ẹrù-u rẹ̀ délé is-who will carry his-own load home.

Idiomatic: The elder who eats with abandon will carry his own load to the house. (Owomoyela, footnoted)

Meaning: An elder who does not observe the customary courtesy of leaving food for the young forfeits the young's help.

Used when: Cited as consequence rather than instruction, describing what follows when an elder breaks the food-sharing custom 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's footnote is essential here: à-jẹ-ì-wẹ̀hìn, eating without looking back, names the specific breach of leaving no food behind for youths in attendance, whose customary reward for that gesture is to take over the elder's errands and chores; an elder who denies them the gesture loses the service 2. The nominalised phrase compresses a whole social contract into one hyphenated word, a device this corpus records elsewhere in files 10 and 11.

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Standing that must be earned or renewed

14. Àgbà ní ńgbà.

Literal: Àgbà the-elder ní ńgbà is-who receives.

Idiomatic: It is an elder that accepts. (Owomoyela, footnoted)

Meaning: Certain privileges, and the obligations bound up with them, belong specifically to the position of elder.

Used when: Cited as a compact statement of what the status of elder actually consists in 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's footnote explains that the proverb turns on a play on the syllable gbà, meaning to accept or receive; the word àgbà itself is analysed as à-gbà, "one who takes or accepts," using the nominalising vowel prefix Yorùbá attaches to verbs 2. The pun is a piece of folk etymology built directly into the proverb's logic and is untranslatable, since English "elder" carries no such internal verb.

15. Àgbà mẹ́ta kì í ṣi èkùlù pè; bí ọkán bá ní "ekulu," èkejì a ní "ekùlù," ẹkẹta a ní "èkùlù."

Literal: Àgbà mẹ́ta kì í ṣi èkùlù pè three elders do-not mispronounce èkùlù bí ọkán bá ní "ekulu" if one says "ekulu" èkejì a ní "ekùlù" the-second will-say "ekùlù" ẹkẹta a ní "èkùlù" the-third will-say "èkùlù."

Idiomatic: Three elders will not mispronounce èkùlù; if the first says, "ekulu," the second will say, "ekùlù," but the third will say, "èkùlù." (Owomoyela, footnoted)

Meaning: Among a group of elders, someone will eventually get a difficult matter exactly right.

Used when: Cited for the value of pooling several elders' judgment on a matter rather than trusting a single one 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's footnote glosses it directly as "three heads are better than one" and explains that èkùlù is another name for ẹ̀tù, a kind of duiker 2. The proverb is built on successive tonal corrections of the same word, each elder supplying a tone mark the previous one omitted, which is a demonstration in miniature of why tone matters in Yorùbá and is one of the few proverbs in this corpus whose entire content is a tonal distinction acted out rather than merely punned on.

16. Àgbà mẹ́ta ní ḿmọ ìdí ẹ̀ta.

Literal: Àgbà mẹ́ta three elders ní ḿmọ ìdí ẹ̀ta is-who know the-base of three.

Idiomatic: It takes three elders to know the mystery behind three. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Deep or difficult matters require the pooled judgment of more than one senior person.

Used when: Cited alongside the preceding entry to argue for collective rather than solitary elder judgment 2.

Notes: This is a near-doublet of entry 15 and Owomoyela prints them adjacently; together they make the corpus's clearest statement that elder wisdom in this material is imagined as cumulative and comparative rather than individually infallible, a point that qualifies any reading of these proverbs as claiming automatic wisdom for single elders by virtue of age alone.

17. Àgbà ní ńjẹ orí àdán; ọmọdé ní ńjẹ orí ẹyẹkẹ́yẹ.

Literal: Àgbà ní ńjẹ orí àdán the-elder is-who eats head of-bat ọmọdé ní ńjẹ orí ẹyẹkẹ́yẹ the-youth is-who eats head of-ordinary-bird.

Idiomatic: It is an elder who eats bats' heads; youths eat the heads of ordinary birds. (Owomoyela, footnoted)

Meaning: Only elders are equipped to face the extraordinary; youths handle the ordinary.

Used when: Cited to argue that unusual or dangerous eventualities are properly the elder's to confront, not the youth's 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's footnote states plainly that birds' heads are not usually eaten, bats are never eaten as food at all, and a bat's head specifically would be consumed only as part of a mystery or cult rite 2. The proverb therefore does not describe an actual dietary custom; it uses a deliberately extreme, ritually marked act to stand for the class of extraordinary undertakings elders alone are fit for.

18. Àgbà ní ńjẹ ọkàn; ọmọdé ní ńjẹ ara ẹran.

Literal: Àgbà ní ńjẹ ọkàn the-elder is-who eats the-heart ọmọdé ní ńjẹ ara ẹran the-youth is-who eats the-body of-the-animal.

Idiomatic: Only elders eat the heart; the youth eat the flesh. (Owomoyela, footnoted)

Meaning: Rank carries its own particular share and its own particular duty.

Used when: Cited to explain or defend an unequal division of something by seniority 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's footnote records that the heart of a slaughtered animal was considered more desirable food than the flesh generally 2, so the proverb is describing a real precedence in the division of meat, not an arbitrary image. It pairs naturally with entry 17 as a statement that seniority and privilege travel together, distinct from the reciprocal-obligation proverbs above that insist the privilege must be earned.

19. Àgbà ní ńkọ́ àpò àgbà.

Literal: Àgbà ní ńkọ́ àpò àgbà the-elder is-who hangs the-satchel of-an-elder.

Idiomatic: Only an elder may hang the satchel of an elder [on his shoulder]. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Certain visible marks of standing are restricted to those who hold it.

Used when: Cited to explain why a junior may not adopt the dress, bearing or accoutrements reserved for elders 2.

Notes: The "[on his shoulder]" bracket is Owomoyela's own clarifying insertion. The satchel functions here the way a title or an item of regalia does elsewhere in this corpus's material on chiefs, discussed in file 18: a physical object standing for a status that is not self-conferred.

20. Àgbà ò sí ìlú bàjẹ́; baálé ilé kú ilé dahoro.

Literal: Àgbà ò sí elder is-not-present ìlú bàjẹ́ town spoils baálé ilé kú head-of-household dies ilé dahoro house becomes-a-ruin.

Idiomatic: Without elders a town is ruined; the patriarch of the compound dies, and the household becomes an empty shell. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Elders are what hold a community and a compound together; their absence or loss is structural collapse, not mere loss of company.

Used when: Cited on the civic and domestic necessity of elders, at the scale of the town and of the household together 2.

Notes: The proverb yokes the town-level claim to the household-level one in a single breath, and baálé, head of the household, is the same office discussed at length in file 10 on family and lineage; this entry is the clearest statement in the corpus that the family material and the elder material are, for Owomoyela, two scales of the same claim about seniority as structural necessity.

21. Àgbà ò sí nílùú ọ̀kéré.

Literal: Àgbà ò sí elder is-not-present nílùú ọ̀kéré in-the-town-of the-squirrel.

Idiomatic: There are no elders in the town of squirrels. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Some societies, or some circles, simply lack the custom of proper regard for age.

Used when: Cited about a group or a setting where the ordinary deference to seniority is absent 2.

Notes: Owomoyela cross-references another entry in his numbering, 4224, making a related point 2. Unlike most proverbs in this file, which instruct or describe the norm, this one names the possibility that a whole community can lack the norm altogether, which is a rare piece of explicit Yorùbá comparative social observation rather than injunction.

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Elder authority in dispute and speech

22. Ìjà ò mọ̀gbọ́n.

Literal: Ìjà a-quarrel ò mọ̀gbọ́n does-not know an-elder.

Idiomatic: A quarrel does not know who is the elder. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: In the heat of a dispute, the ordinary deference owed to seniority is likely to be forgotten by everyone involved.

Used when: Cited to excuse, or to warn against, a breach of respect that occurred specifically in the course of a quarrel 2.

Notes: The proverb is two words shorter in Yorùbá than in any English rendering, and its force depends on treating ìjà, the quarrel, as an agent capable of "not knowing" something, a grammatical personification English can only approximate with a full clause.

23. "Ó ḿbọ̀!" ló yẹ baba; bí babá bá dé, ẹ̀rù tán.

Literal: "Ó ḿbọ̀!" "he-is-coming!" ló yẹ baba is-what befits the-patriarch bí babá bá dé when the-patriarch has arrived ẹ̀rù tán fear is-finished.

Idiomatic: "Watch out, here he comes" is what befits the patriarch; after he has arrived, there is no more threat. (Owomoyela, cross-referencing another entry)

Meaning: The anticipation of a powerful person's arrival is often more potent than anything the person does once actually present.

Used when: Cited about a figure of authority whose reputation for severity outruns his actual conduct 2.

Notes: Owomoyela cross-references another entry in his sequence, 1081, making the same general point about anticipated versus actual force 2. This proverb complicates a simple reading of elder authority as always deserved: it observes, without moral comment, that the deference an elder receives may rest on dread of a reputation rather than on anything currently happening.

24. Ọ̀-pani-nítàn ní ńfi ojúlé ẹni hanni.

Literal: Ọ̀-pani-nítàn the-one-who-recounts-one's-history ní ńfi ojúlé ẹni hanni is-who shows one the-doorway-of one's-own-home.

Idiomatic: It is the person who tells one one's own history that shows one the doorway to one's own home. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Knowledge of where you come from, held by elders who remember it, is what orients a person in the present.

Used when: Cited to argue for attending to what elders and knowledgeable sages say about one's own lineage and origins 2.

Notes: The hyphenated nominal Ọ̀-pani-nítàn compresses "the one who narrates history to one" into a single word functioning as the sentence's subject, the same construction this corpus notes repeatedly in files 10 and 11. The proverb assumes that self-knowledge is not introspective but received from elders who hold the record.

25. Ọ̀rọ̀ tí a pé kí baba má gbọ́, baba ní ńparí i.

Literal: Ọ̀rọ̀ tí a pé kí baba má gbọ́ a-matter that one intends that the-patriarch should-not hear baba ní ńparí i the-patriarch is-who concludes it.

Idiomatic: A matter that one tries to keep from the ears of the patriarch will eventually come before the patriarch for resolution. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: Important disputes end up before the senior authority regardless of any attempt to keep them local.

Used when: Cited when a matter someone tried to suppress or settle privately has surfaced before the recognised elder anyway 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's usage note grounds this in a stated right: elders are entitled to be privy to all important matters because keeping order and peace is specifically their responsibility 2. This is one of the more direct statements in the corpus of elder authority as a jurisdiction rather than merely a courtesy.

26. Ọ̀rọ̀ tí oníkọlàá bá sọ, abẹ́ gé e.

Literal: Ọ̀rọ̀ tí oníkọlàá bá sọ whatever-statement the-circumciser makes abẹ́ gé e the-razor cuts it.

Idiomatic: Whatever statement the circumciser makes is cut off by a razor. (Owomoyela, footnoted)

Meaning: When the person properly in charge has spoken, the matter is closed.

Used when: Cited to end discussion once the person with recognised authority over a matter has ruled 2.

Notes: Owomoyela's footnote explains the pun directly: abẹ́ gé e, literally "it is severed by a razor," is an idiom for finality, and the proverb plays on the fact that the circumciser's actual tool is a sharp razor, so the idiom and the practitioner's trade are the same image doubled 2. Owomoyela prints a variant immediately after, given as the next entry here, substituting the king for the circumciser.

27. Ọ̀rọ̀ tí ọba bá sọ, abẹ́ gé e.

Literal: Ọ̀rọ̀ tí ọba bá sọ whatever-statement the-king makes abẹ́ gé e the-razor cuts it.

Idiomatic: Whatever the king says is severed by a razor. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: The king's word is as final as any other recognised authority's.

Used when: Cited specifically of royal pronouncement, as the variant of the preceding proverb 2.

Notes: Owomoyela prints this as an explicit variant of entry 26, substituting ọba, king, for oníkọlàá, the circumciser 2. Read together, the pair shows the "finality" formula circulating across different offices of authority, a pattern this corpus's file 18 on chiefs and kings should be read alongside.

28. A kì í tẹ́ní fún ẹni ilé jókòó.

Literal: A kì í tẹ́ní one does-not spread-a-mat fún ẹni ilé for a-person-of-the-house jókòó to-sit.

Idiomatic: One does not spread a mat for a member of the household to sit on. (Owomoyela)

Meaning: People who already belong should not be made to stand on the ceremony owed to outsiders.

Used when: Cited against insisting on being formally waited upon by people who are already intimate acquaintances rather than strangers 2.

Notes: This is the first entry in Owomoyela's "elders" section and it is, on its face, about acquaintance rather than age; it is included here because the source places it here, and because it sets the section's real scope, which runs wider than pure seniority. Compare the hospitality material in file 15, where laying a mat for a genuine stranger is expected rather than refused.

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Reading these proverbs

Three observations specific to this theme.

The section is not only about age. Owomoyela's own "On relationships with elders" opens and continues with several proverbs, entries 28 and 22 through 26 here among them, that concern acquaintance, money and quarrels generally rather than seniority by years specifically. This corpus follows his placement rather than re-sorting the material by a stricter English sense of "elder," on the view that the book's own arrangement is itself evidence of how the categories relate in Yorùbá social thought: àgbà and general seniority in a relationship are treated as points on one continuum rather than as separate subjects.

Deference is answerable, not unconditional. Entries 8, 9, 10, 12 and 13 all make an elder's claim to respect depend on the elder's own conduct, chiefly on feeding, lending to, and not wronging the young. Read against the sharper deference proverbs, entries 1, 2 and 3, the corpus as a whole does not assert that age alone commands obedience; it asserts a reciprocal arrangement in which the young owe comportment and the old owe provision, and either side's failure is remarked on.

Collective elder judgment is preferred to solitary elder judgment. Entries 15 and 16, printed as a near-doublet in the source, both hold that it takes several elders together, not one, to get a hard question right. This qualifies any reading of the file's more sweeping claims, such as entry 20's assertion that elders hold a town together, as claims about an office rather than about the automatic wisdom of any single old person.