The Other Yoruba States
Ijẹ̀bú, Ẹ̀gbá, Èkìtì, Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Ondó, Ọ̀wọ̀, Kétu, Sábẹ̀, Ìbàdàn, Abẹ́òkúta and Lagos, each with its own institutions rather than as branches of Ọ̀yọ́.
intermediatemedium·
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Ijẹ̀bú, Ẹ̀gbá, Èkìtì, Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Ondó, Ọ̀wọ̀, Kétu, Sábẹ̀, Ìbàdàn, Abẹ́òkúta and Lagos, each with its own institutions rather than as branches of Ọ̀yọ́.
The Yorùbá wey dem quote, the proverbs, oríkì, ẹsẹ Ifá, word list headwords, Odù names and citations dey exactly as the corpus record dem, for every language.
Di Yoruba-speaking world no be one single state at all, and for most part of di history, di main political identity wey Yoruba pesin get no be Yoruba, na Ijẹ̀bú, Ẹ̀gbá, Èkìtì, Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Ọ̀yọ́ or Ifẹ̀. To treat all of dem as just regional styles of one single system, where Ọ̀yọ́ be di model and every oda one be just copy-copy, na di specific distortion wey Ọ̀yọ́-centred historiography bring enter, and e dey produce false picture. Di Ijẹ̀bú get constitutional structure where di king dey under judicial council for way wey no Aláàfin ever dey. Di Èkìtì pipo no even get single state at all. Ìbàdàn build proper military republic wey no get hereditary ruler. All dis ones na different political solutions, no be degraded versions of one system.
Di standard scholarly division na between centralised government, including Ilé-Ifẹ̀, Ijẹ̀bú, Ìjẹ̀ṣà, Ondó, Ọ̀yọ́ and Ìlá, and non-centralised ones among Èkìtì, Ìgbómìnà, Ondó hinterland, Ọ̀wọ̀ and Àwórì, where town or village na di highest level of political organisation .
Ijẹ̀bú na di strongest case against di Ọ̀yọ́ template, and na still one of di oldest Yoruba polities wey appear for written sources. One Portuguese report of 1505 describe one very big city wey dem dey call Geebuu wey big moat surround, wey one ruler dey govern wey di report call Agusale, wey pesin fit easily see say na Awùjalẹ̀ . Dat one give Ijẹ̀bú documented urban and kingdom existence for di start of sixteenth century, around di same time wey Europeans first reach di coast.
Di moat real and e big well well. Sungbo's Eredo, di system of ditches and banks for southwest of Ijẹ̀bú-Òde, take about 3.5 million cubic metres of moved earth, and construction start around 800 to 1000 CE . E dey among di largest single pre-mechanical earthworks anywhere for di whole world. Tradition connect am to di noblewoman Bilikisu Sungbo, and Ijẹ̀bú-Òde dey inside am . Di date range come from radiocarbon work and e older pass di Ijẹ̀bú dynastic tradition, wey place di founder Ọbanta as pesin wey arrive from Ilé-Ifẹ̀ around di fifteenth century . Di earthwork therefore show evidence of large-scale political organisation for di region centuries before di dynasty wey claim am.
Di institutional core na di relationship between di Awùjalẹ̀ and di Òṣùgbó. Di Òṣùgbó, wey be di Ijẹ̀bú form of wetin dem dey call Ògbóni for oda places, function as di kingdom courts, and dem divide am into six ranked grades with di ìwàrèfà for di top . Di Oliwa head dis council as di second most powerful figure for di kingdom, while di Olisa serve as head of di capital . Na di Òṣùgbó select di Awùjalẹ̀ and advise am, and di judicial power dey with dem instead of di palace . Aside dis one, dem get di rẹ́gbẹ̀rẹ́gbẹ̀, age-grade associations wey organise men by cohort for public works and military service, wey give Ijẹ̀bú mobilisation structure wey dey independent of lineage.
Ijẹ̀bú's power for eighteenth and nineteenth centuries come from geography and dem enforce am by policy. E sit down across di routes from Lagos and di lagoon go reach interior markets, and e make am compulsory say all trade through dem territory must pass through Ijẹ̀bú merchants . Dis monopoly make Ijẹ̀bú rich and make am di specific target of British commercial frustration. For 1892 Britain declare war on Ijẹ̀bú to break di monopoly, and di campaign na demonstration of machine gun: Maxim fire cut down several thousand, and dem annex Ijẹ̀bú enter Southern Nigeria Protectorate . Di defeat of Ijẹ̀bú na di event wey convince di oda interior states say military resistance against Britain no go work.
Di Ẹ̀gbá na group of towns inside forest under nominal Ọ̀yọ́ overlordship until di collapse happen. Dia modern history start with displacement. Abẹ́òkúta, wey di name mean refuge among di rocks, na Ṣódẹkẹ́ found am around 1830 as e lead Ẹ̀gbá refugees from di wars wey follow after Ọ̀yọ́'s disintegration, for one defensible site under Olúmọ rock .
Wetin make Abẹ́òkúta institutionally distinctive na say dem assemble am from pieces and dem keep dem so. Instead make dem dissolve di constituent groups into one polity, e retain separate rulers for each Ẹ̀gbá section, Aké, Ọ̀wu, Ọ̀kẹ̀-Ọ̀nà and Gbágùrà, with ruler for di Ọ̀wu refugees wey arrive after dem destroy dia own city . Federation, no be amalgamation. Di Aláké of Aké eventually emerge as di senior figure and di British later treat am as di paramount ruler, wey be colonial simplification of plural arrangement wey genuine.
Di early wars wey Abẹ́òkúta's fight start immediately: conflict with Ijẹ̀bú Rẹ́mọ for 1832 and with Ìbàdàn for 1834 . Di population reach around 60,000 by di 1850s . Di main external threat na Dahomey, and e repel major Dahomean invasion for 1851 with British assistance . Dat victory, and di presence of Sàró returnees and CMS missionaries inside di town, draw Abẹ́òkúta enter close and eventually corrosive relationship with Lagos and Britain.
Di Ẹ̀gbá United Board of Management, wey returnees mostly establish for 1865, na attempt at modern administrative state with written records, treasury and postal arrangements, wey Yoruba men wey educate for Sierra Leone and Brazil dey run. Na di earliest experiment of dat kind for di region. Di Ẹ̀gbá United Government wey follow am maintain one form of recognised independence until di British abolish am for 1914.
Dem found Ìbàdàn for di 1830s on top di site of earlier Ẹ̀gbá settlement, by mixed force of Ọ̀yọ́, Ifẹ̀, Ijẹ̀bú and Ẹ̀gbá warriors wey di collapse throw together . Na war camp wey turn city, and di institutions wey e get reflect dat origin exactly.
Ìbàdàn no get ọba and e no get royal family wey dey inherit throne. Na military republic e be, wey title no be by inheritance but na wetin person earn . Person dey start from bottom for the rank of war chief titles, and as space dey open for front, e go dey climb up; na war success, number of followers, and how many gun person fit control dey determine promotion . The two main line of leadership na the civil side wey Baalẹ̀ dey head, and the military side wey Balógun dey head, plus the Aàrẹ Ọ̀nà Kakanfò title wey dem bring back for supreme commanders. Leadership dey switch between collective rule by the chiefs and time wey one powerful warlord go hold power .
This system make their military strong well well, but e also bring continuous wahala and instability. Ìbàdàn destroy Ìjàyè for 1862, attack Ifẹ̀ for 1859 and Ilésà for 1870, and dem force many town for the interior make dem dey pay tribute . The population reach around 100,000 for the nineteenth century, wey make am one of the biggest cities for tropical Africa . The structural problem be say, state wey the whole promotion ladder dey run on top war no get any way to stop. The ajẹ̀lẹ̀ of Ìbàdàn, wey be resident agents for towns under their control, come dey notorious for collecting heavy tax and tribute, and the vexation wey dem cause for Èkìtì and Ìjẹ̀ṣà na the main reason wey make the Sixteen Years War start.
Ìjẹ̀ṣà na centralised kingdom wey get capital for Ilésà under the Ọ̀wá Obòkun, wey tradition talk say the title come from journey to fetch sea water for cure, wey link the dynasty to Ifẹ̀. Ìjẹ̀ṣà dey for land wey full of hills and forest for the east of Ifẹ̀, kind land wey horse soldiers no fit fight inside, and na one big reason why Ọ̀yọ́ never fit join am to their own territory.
Na Ìbàdàn dominate the Ìjẹ̀ṣà's nineteenth century. Dem attack Ilésà for 1870 and Ìjẹ̀ṣà come enter under the tributary system of Ìbàdàn with resident ajẹ̀lẹ̀ . The reaction bring out one of the most important people for that period: Ògèdèngbé Àgbógungbòrò, wey become the field commander for the eastern alliance during the Kiriji war. Ìjẹ̀ṣà also get one special advantage through the Ìjẹ̀ṣà diaspora people wey dey coast and Lagos communities, wey the money and firearms wey dem buy really change the eastern side power well well.
Èkìtì na the clearest example of Yoruba political system wey no be single kingdom. Èkìtì get sixteen main kingdoms, wey each one get its own senior ọba, and e never get any single centralised Èkìtì political unit . The Ẹ̀wì of Adó-Èkìtì dey head the traditional institution for Adó , but na one crowned ruler among many e be, no be say na him be paramount over all of dem.
Èkìtì towns plenty, dem near each other, and dem dey for hilly area. That geography help support many small independent communities and make am hard and expensive for outsiders to conquer dem. Èkìtì no join under Ọ̀yọ́, and the control wey Ìbàdàn get over am for nineteenth century na recent thing, people vex about am, and e no last long.
Therefore, the Èkìtìparapọ̀, wey mean say Èkìtì join together and wey form for 1877, na brand new thing: na the first time Èkìtì kingdoms go combine form single military alliance, and dem do am together with Ìjẹ̀ṣà against Ìbàdàn. Political unity wey never exist before come form because of pressure from common enemy. This pattern dey important to notice, because na similar way the broader Yoruba identity take emerge for that same century.
Ondó na centralised kingdom under the Ọṣemawé, wey dey rule over pass forty subordinate towns and villages . Dem describe the rulership institution as hierarchy wey get clear protocol and procedure to prevent people from abusing office . Ondó dey special among Yoruba states because women get big role for their title system, where Lóbùn, wey be female chief, dey play central role when dem wan install the Ọṣemawé, kind arrangement wey no really get match for other parts of Yorubaland.
Ondó position dey between the Ifẹ̀-Ìjẹ̀ṣà area and coastal lagoons, wey give am advantage for trade wey dey go down to Atlantic, and make am participate in and supply goods to coastal trade, including slave trade. The work wey Olatunji Ojo do on top Ondó for late nineteenth century na the most detailed study about slavery and how dem dey practice am inside Yoruba kingdom for that period .
Ọ̀wọ̀ under the Olówò dey for the eastern border of Yorubaland close to Benin, and their material culture dey show that position directly. The terracotta and ivory work of Ọ̀wọ̀ mix Ifẹ̀ and Benin styles together, and e be the clearest physical evidence say Ifẹ̀ and Benin traditions meet and blend, instead of just one side copying from the other. Ọ̀wọ̀ experience Benin influence and sometimes Benin authority, and the dress for palace, titles, and rituals dey show Edo elements side by side with Yoruba own. Na complete border kingdom e be, and to treat am as purely Yoruba or purely Benin colony go misrepresent the real truth.
Kétu under the Aláké̩tu and Sábẹ̀ under the Onísàbẹ̀ na western Yoruba kingdoms wey major part now dey inside Republic of Benin, division wey French and British boundary of 1889 create, no be say na anything from Yoruba history cause am. The two kingdoms old, dem two claim say dem descend from Ifẹ̀, and dem two dey for border with Dahomey.
That border position shape dem well well. Dem bring Kétu enter Ọ̀yọ́'s tributary system alongside Dahomey and Badagry . When Ọ̀yọ́ collapse and Dahomey free from paying tribute, Kétu come open without protection, and Dahomey destroy Kétu for 1886. The Kétu Yoruba people plenty well well for the Atlantic diaspora, and the name Nàgó wey dem dey use call Yoruba people for Brazil and French-speaking West Africa come from the western Yoruba region, no be name wey people for the heartland dey call demselves.
The Àwórì na the Yoruba subgroup wey dey around Lagos lagoon and the land around am, and Lagos start as Àwórì settlement. Tradition talk say Olófin, wey be Àwórì leader, divide Lagos Island give him sons, and one of dem, Àrómirè, plant pepper for the place wey later turn to the Ọba's palace .
Na so Lagos come enter under Benin control. For the sixteenth century Benin expand enter the region, and the Ọba of Benin appoint Àṣípa as the first Ọba of Lagos . All the other Ọba of Lagos after am trace their family line go meet Àṣípa, wey dem describe as Àwórì person and war captain for the Ọba of Benin, wey get the title Olórí Ogun plus permission from Benin to rule Lagos on behalf of Benin . Èkó, wey be the Yoruba name for the city, come straight from Benin language. Because of this, Lagos be Yoruba city wey get Benin royal family, and na why e no follow the Odùduwà crown pattern.
Lagos come turn the main port wey dem dey use ship slave comot for Bight of Benin for the nineteenth century, and na wetin make British navy put eye for there. The fight for throne between Kòsókó and Akitoye give Britain chance to enter. The British bomb Lagos for December 1851, put Akitoye for throne, and end the tribute wey Lagos dey pay to Benin, wey Akitoye reject once dem restore am . For 6 August 1861, Ọba Dòsùnmú sign the Treaty of Cession under threat say Commander Beddingfield of HMS Prometheus go bomb the town, after e don drag the matter for eleven days . Lagos come turn British colony, and from that base British power begin move enter interior for the next thirty years.
Three things show clearly when person put these different government side by side.
No single Yoruba constitution dey. The things wey common among dem na sacred king wey dem dey install instead of just to inherit am so, council wey get real power, title system wey person fit get through wetin e achieve or through family birth, and age-grade or society structure wey dey do town work. Outside these ones, the difference plenty, from Ijẹ̀bú where the court council get power pass the palace, pass Èkìtì where no single central state dey, reach Ìbàdàn where king no even dey at all.
The different kinds of government na response to the environment and position for trade route. States wey use horse cavalry dey savanna, states wey control trade route gate alone, plenty small-small town network for hill side, and war republic for area wey war scatter pass.
The nineteenth century squeeze all these things together. The states wey strong pass by the end of the century, Ìbàdàn and Abẹ́òkúta, na people wey run commot from war start both of dem for 1830s, and within seventy years after dem start dem, both lose their independence.
The fall of Ọ̀yọ́, the Ilọrin and Sokoto dimension, the Ọ̀wu war, the rise of Ìbàdàn, the Sixteen Years War at Kiriji, and the political map they left behind.
Farming, iron, cloth and glass; the market system and the women who ran it; cowrie money; and the routes that tied Yorubaland to the Sahara and the Atlantic.
The CMS mission and Crowther, how and why Yoruba people converted to two world religions, the British annexation, indirect rule and what it did to kingship, and the making of "Yoruba" as one identity.
Ilé-Ifẹ̀ between roughly the eleventh and fifteenth centuries, its sculpture in copper alloy and terracotta, the industries that paid for it, and its relationships with Benin, Ọ̀wọ̀ and the Niger.
The Ìjẹ̀ṣà commander who was twice an Ìbàdàn captive and ended as commander-in-chief of the eastern confederacy that fought Ìbàdàn to a standstill for sixteen years, and the diaspora arms network that made it possible.
The most powerful women in nineteenth-century Yorubaland, both of them large-scale slave traders, one killed by the ruler she had armed and the other exiled by a British consul, and the political office that made their power constitutional.