Epa Masks
The monumental carved headdress tradition of northeastern Yorubaland, detailing its physical construction, workshop masters, ritual performance, museum provenance, and scholarly debates.
Ẹpa mask na big wooden headdress wey get different-different color wey originate from Èkìtì and Ìgbómìnà area for northeast Yorùbáland. Dem dey carve each mask from single block of wood, and e dey join one helmet base wey get groove together with one complex top part wey carry plenty figures to celebrate community leadership, war defense, ancestral power, and fertility. During festival every year, masquerade dancers dey carry dis heavy structure, wey fit weigh reach seventy pounds, perform strong physical dance wey dem design to bring spiritual favor and test how strong people for di community be.
Unlike plenty African carving tradition wey early Western scholars record sey dem no get name, people know di master carvers and regional workshop dem wey dey well-documented for late nineteenth and twentieth centuries inside Ẹpa tradition. Dis write-up dey look di material technique dem, sculptors with name, how dem dey perform am, museum history, and scholarly debate dem wey never settle concerning Ẹpa and other helmet headdress wey relate to am.
Form, Technique, and Materials
For structure and design, Ẹpa mask get two different part wey dem carve together from single piece of wood :
- Di helmet base (ìkòkò): Di lower part na one helmet base wey get groove, wey dem literally call ìkòkò (pot), to describe di hollow round space inside am . Normally, dem dey carve dis base like stylized human face or two faces wey dey look opposite direction. E get wide open mouth with hole wey dey give di dancer air to breathe and space to see well during performance . Di body of di ìkòkò often carry geometric pattern, big eye dem, and tribal mark dem, wey dey serve as solid base for di figures wey dey on top am.
- Di superstructure wey get figure dem: Right on top di crown of di helmet base, one complex top part dey stand with plenty levels of figures wey fit tall reach four feet and weigh between fifty and seventy pounds in total . Dis superstructure dey show major cultural figures: warrior wey ride horse (Jagunjagun), king wey sit for throne (Ọràngún), mother wey dey breastfeed children (Ìyá), or native doctor and ritual leaders with group of musicians, praise singers, and prisoners wey follow dem .
+-------------------------------------------------------------+
| FIGURATIVE SUPERSTRUCTURE |
| - Up to 4 feet high; total mask weight: 50 to 70 pounds |
| - Intricate openwork carving from the same wood block |
| - Iconography: Equestrian warriors (Jagunjagun), kings |
| (Ọràngún), maternal figures (Ìyá), musicians, attendants |
+-------------------------------------------------------------+
|
+-------------------------------------------------------------+
| HELMET BASE (ÌKÒKÒ / POT) |
| - Abstracted or Janus-faced helmet |
| - Open oral cavity providing sightlines and ventilation |
| - Rests directly over the performer's head |
+-------------------------------------------------------------+
Wood Selection
Carvers for Èkìtì and Ìgbómìnà workshop dey choose special soft wood wey light and easy to carve, make di headdress for strong well but still light enough for di masquerade to carry :
- Alstonia congensis and Alstonia boonei (Yorùbá: àhun): One soft, light-colored wood wey dem like because e no heavy, di grain straight, and e dey easy to shape with small axe .
- Cordia millenii (Yorùbá: ọmọ): One light wood wey dey last long, no dey easily split, and dey sound well when dem knock am .
- Ricinodendron heudelotii: One very light soft wood wey regional workshops dey use to reduce di total weight of big superstructure dem .
Even though dem dey use light wood, to carve Ẹpa headdress dey require high technical skill. Di carver dey cut wood from single log, dey dig out di deep hole inside di helmet base and at di same time carve complex open designs for di superstructure without spoiling di main vertical grain wey dey hold di weight .
Pigment Systems and Surface Treatment
When dem finish carving, dem dey rub local mineral and plant paint on top di surface, to create strong color contrast :
- Chalk (ẹfun): White paint wey dem get from natural kaolin clay, wey dey represent coolness, ritual purity, and closeness to di spirit world.
- Charcoal (èédú): Black paint wey dem grind from burnt wood, wey dem dey use draw shape lines, face parts, and hairstyles.
- Camwood (osùn): Red paint wey dem process from di inside wood of Pterocarpus tree, wey dey connect to life force, danger, blood, and energy.
- Indigo (ẹlú): Deep blue-black dye wey dem get from fermented indigo leaf (Philenoptera cyanescens), wey dem dey use for cloth, hair, and figure design dem.
For twentieth century, dem add imported goods join traditional paint recipe, especially Reckitt's laundry blue (wey dey give sharp sky-blue color) and commercial enamel paint . Dis ones bring shiny finish and make di surface last longer against tropical rain, dust, and hand wey dey touch am during yearly festival dem.
Function, Ritual Context, and Performance
Dem dey perform with Ẹpa mask during festival every year across northeastern Yorùbá towns to honor ancestors, celebrate brave warriors, promote farm harvest, and clean out bad things from di community . Unlike masquerade dem wey dey perform in secret or only for night, Ẹpa festival na big public ceremony wey involve di whole community, and dem dey arrange am according to age grade and family lineage wey hold title .
Di Climax of di Masquerade
Di main ritual action for Ẹpa festival dey center around serious physical test of balance, sharp movement, and stamina . Di masquerade, wey cloth wrap and wey carry heavy wood structure wey weigh up to seventy pounds for head, must dance pass through di whole town and jump high like acrobat land on top one raised sand mound, wey normally high reach three to four feet .
[ Procession through town ]
│
▼
[ Gathering at community square ]
│
▼
[ Acrobatic Leap atop 3–4 ft Earthen Mound ]
├── CLEAN LANDING WITHOUT STUMBLE ──► Omen of peace, bountiful harvest, community health
└── STUMBLE, SLIP, OR COLLAPSE ──► Omen of disaster, barrenness, communal misfortune
Di performer must land well on top di mound without to stumble, drop di mask, or slip leg . Di community dey understand di outcome of dis physical action as divination and sign for wetin go happen inside di coming year:
- Clean and successful jump dey show say di ancestors and spiritual powers accept di offerings wey di community bring, and e dey show say plentiful harvest, low death rate, and peace go dey di town .
- If person slip, stumble, or fall down, dem dey take am as serious warning say bad luck, famine, sickness, or lineage wahala dey come, wey need urgent sacrifice and cleansing ritual .
Dis athletic requirement dey explain di formal design of di ìkòkò base: dem make di big, open mouth space so dat plenty air go fit enter for di runner and make e fit see ground clearly without anything to block eye as e dey run go meet di mound .
Master Sculptors Wey Get Name and Regional Workshops
For early colonial time, Western museum collections dey always classify Yorùbá carving as anonymous communal work wey no get single person name. Fieldwork wey Kevin Carroll start for mid-twentieth century, wey scholars like Rowland Abiodun, Henry John Drewal, John Pemberton III, and Roslyn Adele Walker expand, show say northeastern Yorùbáland na home to master carvers wey get big name, wey run family workshops, create dem own personal style, and receive royal work from kings .
BÀMBÓṢÉ OF ÒSÌ-ÌLỌRIN
(d. ca. 1920)
Master of foundational Òsì style
│
┌───────────────────┴───────────────────┐
▼ ▼
DADA ARẸÒGÚN OF ÒSÌ-ÌLỌRIN BÁMIGBÓYÈ OF ODÒ-ỌWÁ
(ca. 1880–1954) (ca. 1885–1975)
Multi-tiered master of Master of pierced openwork,
superstructures and narrative Ọràngún kings and warriors
│
▼
BANDELE OF ÒSÌ-ÌLỌRIN
(ca. 1910–1995)
Carried Òsì workshop into
the late twentieth century
Dada Arẹògún of Òsì-Ìlọrin (ca. 1880–1954)
Dada Arẹògún (wey im name A-rẹ-ọmọ-bì-ògún mean "person wey find children born through Ògún") na influential sculptor for di Òsì-Ìlọrin workshop wey dey di Èkìtì/Ìgbómìnà border area . People dey praise Arẹògún for im complex, multi-tier superstructures wey combine rich story scenes of war leaders on top horse, prisoners of war, palace drummers, and mother figures . People dey recognize im style through deep relief carving, how arms, legs and weapons take connect together well, and cylindrical face shapes wey get big almond eyes wey prominent eyelids frame .
Bámigbóyè of Odò-Ọwá (ca. 1885–1975 / c. 1895–1978)
Bámigbóyè na master carver, herbalist, and titled priest (Ọdọ̀fin) of Odò-Ọwá for di Ìgbómìnà region . E dey famous for big superstructures wey get plenty figures and pierced openwork design . Im best works include monumental carving of di Ọràngún (di traditional king of Ìlá) and di warrior on top horse (Jagunjagun), wey layered crowns, standing attendants, palace messengers, and musicians surround . Record show say Bámigbóyè carve work both for traditional religious patrons and for early colonial exhibitions and commissions .
Bandele of Òsì-Ìlọrin (ca. 1910–1995)
Bandele wey be di son of Arẹògún, train directly inside im papa workshop and maintain di sculpture lineage of di Òsì carving tradition reach di late twentieth century . Im carvings dey show di main visual style of Arẹògún, while e bring sharper angles and work for both traditional ritual settings and modern cross-cultural projects, including works wey Father Kevin Carroll organize for di Oye-Èkìtì workshop .
Àgbọnbíòfẹ of Èfòn-Alààyè (d. 1945)
Àgbọnbíòfẹ na di leader of di Adéṣínà family carving compound for Èfòn-Alààyè, wey be major center for Èkìtì sculpture . Even though dem know am for architectural palace pillars, e carve famous helmet headdresses wey dem associate with di Ẹlẹ́fọ̀n festival, wey get sharp geometric face lines, bold diamond-pattern cap, and balanced vertical symmetry .
Olowe of Ìsẹ̀ (ca. 1873–1938)
Olowe of Ìsẹ̀ na person wey people during im lifetime widely recognize as one of di topmost court sculptors for Yorùbáland . With im base for Ìsẹ̀-Èkìtì, Olowe develop special unique style wey show dramatic, long figures, dynamic body movement, deep undercut carving wey make figures stand free from di background wood, and detailed textured surfaces . Even though people know am pass for palace doors and veranda posts, e produce ceremonial helmet masks wey change di normal straight-facing style by tilting human figures forward to show say dem dey move .
Bamgbose of Òsì-Ìlọrin (d. c. 1920)
As senior contemporary and teacher to Arẹògún, Bamgbose establish di main foundational style rules for di Òsì-Ìlọrin workshop . Im works feature strong, authoritative proportions, high-crested equestrian groupings, and carefully structured Janus helmet bases .
Aesthetic Criteria and di Artist Hand
Yorùbá art criticism dey evaluate woodcarving through specific indigenous aesthetic concept-dem wey Rowland Abiodun, Henry Drewal, and John Pemberton identify :
- Ojú-onà (Design Consciousness / Artistic Insight): Di ability of di carver to use im own aesthetic judgment, arrange complex three-dimensional composition-dem, and bring new style inside ritual boundary-dem .
- Dídán (Luminosity / Smoothness of Surface): How di surface smooth, sand, and how dem paint am clean wey dey allow di shape-dem to catch and shine light wen e dey move fast fast .
- Ìwọ̀ntúnwọ̀nsì (Symmetry and Balance): Di structural balance wey dey between di weight of di superstructure and di stability of di helmet base, wey dey make sure say di masquerader fit balance di object during high-speed motion .
Individual sculptor-dem no be faceless people wey just dey produce ritual object-dem. Dem recognize dem across regional kingdom-dem, celebrate dem for personal praise poetry (oríkì), and family head-dem plus royal patron-dem dey look for dem, dey travel cross kingdom border-dem to commission work from specific master carver-dem .
Typological and Regional Variation-dem: Ẹpa, Ẹlẹ́fọ̀n, and Aguru
Scholar-dem don document plenti variation for terminology and classification for helmet headdress-dem across northeastern Yorùbáland :
+----------------+-----------------------------------+------------------------------------+
| NOMENCLATURE | PRIMARY REGION / USE | DOMINANT ICONOGRAPHY |
+----------------+-----------------------------------+------------------------------------+
| Ẹpa | Ìgbómìnà / Èkìtì border; | Equestrian warriors (Jagunjagun), |
| | Civic, lineage, and warrior rites | kings (Ọràngún), ancestral balance |
+----------------+-----------------------------------+------------------------------------+
| Ẹlẹ́fọ̀n | Èfòn-Alààyè and Central Èkìtì; | Maternal figures (Ìyá), lineage |
| | Ancestral and fertility rituals | heads, tiered civic retinues |
+----------------+-----------------------------------+------------------------------------+
| Aguru | Òsì-Ìlọrin and northern border; | Janus-faced helmet bases topped by |
| | Lineage and warrior headdresses | equestrian heroes and retinues |
+----------------+-----------------------------------+------------------------------------+
Di Problem with Terminology
Western museum-dem and international auction catalogue-dem dey routinely use di general label Epa mask for all big polychrome helmet headdress-dem from Èkìtì, Ìgbómìnà, and Ìjẹ̀ṣà . Field research dey show say local categorization get level-dem :
- In towns such as Ìlá-Ọ̀ràngún and Odò-Ọwá (Ìgbómìnà), the masks are predominantly designated as Ẹpa and dem link dem to festival-dem wey dey honor warrior title-dem and community lineage foundation-dem .
- For Èfòn-Alààyè and surrounding Èkìtì community-dem, dem dey call headdress-dem wey closely resemble am Ẹlẹ́fọ̀n, wey often get specific ancestral character-dem like Olókòrò, Ọlọ́jọ́, or Ìyá Ẹlẹ́fọ̀n .
- In Òsì-Ìlọrin and adjacent northern districts, carvers and elders frequently apply the term Aguru to Janus-faced helmet mask-dem wey carry equestrian figure-dem and attendant-dem .
Scholar-dem no agree on di theoretical interpretation of dis difference-dem. Kevin Carroll treat Ẹpa and Ẹlẹ́fọ̀n as regional dialect variation of one single main festival structure . John Pemberton III and Marsha Heyden argue say di variation-dem dey show distinct regional iconography-dem, ritual cycle-dem, and lineage history-dem between Èkìtì and Ìgbómìnà town-dem . Will Rea propose one structural approach, dey argue say Ẹpa and Ẹlẹ́fọ̀n masquerade-dem dey operate along one connected ritual continuum wey dey mediate between di wild forest (igbó) and di civilized human settlement (ìlú) .
Iconography and Hermeneutic Debate-dem
Di figurative superstructure-dem of Ẹpa mask-dem dey show broad range of Yorùbá civic and religious life, wey come bring two major interpretive debate-dem for art historical literature.
+───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────+
| HERMENEUTIC DEBATES ON SUPERSTRUCTURES |
+───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────────+
│
┌──────────────────────────────┴──────────────────────────────┐
▼ ▼
[ 1. WARRIORS VS. FERTILITY ] [ 2. COMMUNAL NORM VS. ARTIST AGENCY ]
- Martial Reading (Ọlọ́jọ́ / Jagunjagun): - Communal Rule View (Kevin Carroll):
Product of 19th-century warfare, Strict adherence to religious conventions,
honoring defensive military heroes. lineage tradition, and canonical forms.
- Fertility Reading (Ìyá / Òrìṣà Oko): - Individual Agency View (Abiodun, Drewal):
Primordial focus on maternal capacity, Carvers deploy active aesthetic innovation
female reproductive power, and agriculture. (ojú-onà), social commentary, and license.
1. Martial Heroism versus Maternal Fertility
- Di War Meaning: One group of scholars dey link how horse riders (Jagunjagun) and warriors with weapons plenti pass to di political matter of di nineteenth century . For dat time, northeastern Yorùbáland face heavy slave-raiding attacks and military war from di Fulani Emirate of Ìlọrin and di army of Ìbàdàn wey dey expand dia territory. Base on dis reading, di Ẹpa top structures develop mainly to honor local military leaders (Ọlọ́jọ́) wey defend Èkìtì and Ìgbómìnà towns, to celebrate physical power and readiness for war .
- Di Fertility and Motherhood Meaning: On di oda hand, Rowland Abiodun, Henry Drewal, and John Pemberton point out say woman figures (Ìyá) wey carry small pikin also dey, weda dem stand beside warriors or stand alone . Dem argue say di main ritual focus of di masquerade na to preserve life, make farm produce plenti, and support di power of motherhood to born pikin (àṣẹ), with direct links to orisha of fertility and farming like Òrìṣà Oko and Ẹ̀rìnlẹ̀ . Dem no see di warrior on top horse just as military fighter, but as physical protector of di motherly and productive power wey dem dey celebrate for di whole festival .
2. Individual Agency versus Communal Tradition
Di second debate dey focus on how much creative freedom traditional carvers get :
- Kevin Carroll argue say traditional Yorùbá religious carvers strictly follow community rules, and dem put wetin di lineage or patron need for ritual and image tradition above dia own personal artistic style .
- Rowland Abiodun, Henry Drewal, and Roslyn Walker show say master carvers use clear artistic freedom, as dem introduce sharp social commentary, new design styles, and personal visual metaphors (ojú-onà) . Through detailed analysis of di style, dis scholars prove say masters like Bámigbóyè and Olowe dey always challenge traditional rules as dem change proportions, bring out active hands and legs from di main wood block, and rearrange di order of di figures .
Chronology and Limits to Know di Date
To know di exact date of Ẹpa masks dey bring major challenges for African art history:
- Spoiling of Materials: Dem carve Ẹpa masks from soft wood (Alstonia, Cordia, Ricinodendron) wey dey spoil quick when rain, heat and humidity touch am, plus insects wey dey chop wood, termites, and sacrifice materials like palm oil, blood, and herbal infusions .
- Archaeological Silence: History and archaeology records no talk anything about how Ẹpa headdresses look, dia origin, or how dem take develop before di middle of di nineteenth century . No wooden Ẹpa headdress from before nineteenth century dey alive today.
- Time Frame of Wetin Remain: Apart from few ones, almost all surviving Ẹpa masks wey dey museum collections and local shrines na from between late nineteenth century and mid-twentieth century . Di timeline of dia style depend on documented lifespan of artists, family genealogies, and di dates when Western institutions collect dem, instead of direct radiocarbon dating .
Main Museum Collections and Records of Origin
Important examples of Ẹpa, Ẹlẹ́fọ̀n, and Aguru masks dey preserved inside public institutions for Europe and North America, and dem dey show di different ways dem take acquire dem during colonial and post-colonial times.
+───────────────────────────+───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────+
| INSTITUTION | CATALOGUE HOLDING |
+───────────────────────────+───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────+
| The British Museum, | • Mask Af1964,02.1: Janus helmet mask with equestrian, |
| London | coll. before 1910 by Churchill Bryant in Òsì-Ìlọrin. |
| | • Mask Af1924,1220.1: Mounted warrior headdress, |
| | purchased 1924 (Wembley Empire Exhibition), Oye-Èkìtì. |
+───────────────────────────+───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────+
| Metropolitan Museum | • Accession 1978.412.402: Jagunjagun equestrian mask, |
| of Art, New York | attributed to Bámigbóyè / Bamboshe workshop. |
+───────────────────────────+───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────+
| Denver Art Museum, | • Accession 2006.27: Jagunjagun with captive mask, |
| Denver | attributed to Olowe of Ìsẹ̀ (c. 1860–1938). |
+───────────────────────────+───────────────────────────────────────────────────────────+
The British Museum (London)
- Mask Af1964,02.1: One Ẹpa (or Aguru) two-faced helmet mask wey get rider on top horse and helpers for top . Churchill Bryant collect am before 1910 for Òsì-Ìlọrin and e transfer am go British Museum for 1964 from the Church Missionary Society . Curatorial research trace dis big carving to di workshop of Bamgbose of Òsì-Ìlọrin (d. c. 1920) .
- Mask Af1924,1220.1: One Ẹpa helmet mask wey show rider with weapons and helpers, wey dem buy for 1924 from Major C. T. Lawrence for di Nigerian Pavilion of di British Empire Exhibition for Wembley, London . Di carving style point directly to Oye-Èkìtì .
The Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York)
- Accession 1978.412.402: Epa Helmet Mask: Equestrian Figure (Jagun Jagun), wey date back to late nineteenth or early twentieth century from di Èkìtì/Ìlá-Ọ̀ràngún border region . Nelson A. Rockefeller acquire am for 1960 and give am out for 1978 as part of di Michael C. Rockefeller Memorial Collection; dem trace dis work to di workshop of Bámigbóyè / Bamboshe .
Denver Art Museum
- Accession 2006.27: Epa Mask with Jagunjagun (Warrior) and Captive, wey dem talk say na Olowe of Ìsẹ̀ (c. 1860–1938) carve am . Provenance record show say dem buy am from Africa Direct Inc. for 2006 . The upper part of the mask show the kind style wey Olowe dey use, like dynamic balance, posture wey bend go front, and complex spatial undercutting .
Gaps for Provenance and Wahala to Know Who Carve Wetin
Institutional catalogue record for Ẹpa headdress show big gaps for documentation :
- How Dem Leave Out Lineage Info: Plenty masks wey military officer, colonial administrator, trader, and missionary society collect during colonial time, dem take dem put for museum without to write the carver name, the patron family (idílé), or the particular shrine wey dem carry the object commot from .
- Debate on Who Carve Am for Workshop: Art historian dem dey face challenge to separate the master sculptor handwork from the one of senior apprentice or workshop assistant . For the Òsì-Ìlọrin and Odò-Ọwá workshop, where master carver dem like Bamgbose, Arẹògún, Bámigbóyè, and Bandele work around the same time or one after the other, to know who carve wetin properly need deep analysis of how face look, how deep the cut be, and the mark wey tool leave .
How Objects Scatter, Provenance, and Restitution Discourse
How Ẹpa headdress take scatter round the world show the political and economic change wey happen for Nigeria during the twentieth century .
Ways Wey the Objects Take Move Out
- How Missionary and Colonial Administrator Collect Am: Early headdress dem, like the ones wey Church Missionary Society and British colonial officer carry, commot from Nigeria through administration, missionary, and education route .
- Direct Commission for People Wey No Dey Do Ritual: Master carver dem adjust enter new economic situation. For example, Bámigbóyè of Odò-Ọwá collect direct commission from colonial administrator, school, and Western patron, dey carve work wey dem go just display for public place instead of to use am for shrine ritual .
- Commercial Art Market and Carry-Com-Com from Shrine: After World War II and after independence, change for society and economy, the spread of major world religion, and high demand from international art market make people sell or carry masks commot illegally from family compound and community shrine .
Law Matter and Ethical Question Dem
The provenance of Ẹpa mask dem for Western collection dey face serious check on top law and ethical matter :
- Nigeria Law on Antiquities: Nigeria pass the Antiquities Ordinance of 1953 and the National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) Decree of 1979 to stop people to carry historical cultural property commot without permission . Masks wey dem carry commot and export after these dates without proper permit from NCMM break Nigerian law .
- To Separate Work Wey Dem Commission from the One Wey Dem Carry by Force: Modern restitution research dey emphasize say make dem separate objects wey dem carve based on commission from outside, from the ones wey dem loot or sell cheap because of hard condition for economic side .
- Community Lineage Emblem Dem: Restitution claim dey use old photo record, praise poetry for the area (oríkì), and family scarification mark on the mask figure more and more to find the exact family compound and town wey the disputed mask belong to .
History and Evolution
The Ẹpa tradition start for the northeastern Yorùbá hinterland of Èkìtì and Ìgbómìnà as ancestral and community masquerade ritual wey focus on well-being and fertility for the people . Even though the earliest record of physical mask dem start from the nineteenth century because wood dey easily spoil, the way dem dey do the ritual show say na old northeastern tradition wey dey different from the royal court art of the Ọ̀yọ́ Empire . As Ọ̀yọ́ power dey rise and fall during the eighteenth century, northeastern community dem hold onto their own local masquerade lineage instead of to copy the central royal masquerade from the western kingdom dem .
The nineteenth-century Yorùbá war dem, wey bring Fulani horse-rider attack from the Ìlọrin Emirate and soldier attack from Ìbàdàn, change the style of Ẹpa design well-well . Community dem change the headdress design to praise local war leader dem (ọlọ́jọ́) and warrior dem wey dey ride horse (jagunjagun), dey put war matter together with ancestral fertility .
British colonial conquest for late nineteenth century and the coming of Christian missionary dem bring big disturbance . Missionary dem attack Ẹpa performance say na pagan idol worship, and this one lead to destruction, abandon, or sale of plenty ancestral carving dem . At the same time, colonial exhibition create new market for master carver dem like Bámigbóyè, wey start to carve work wey no be for shrine for British patron dem .
After Nigeria get independence for 1960, how people dey move from village go city, economic hardship, and the spread of evangelical Christianity and Islam reduce how people dey participate for festival, and this one make people sell and thief sacred mask dem more for international art market . Today, Ẹpa festival still dey happen for few Èkìtì and Ìgbómìnà town dem as lively community event wey dey hold local identity strong . For Atlantic diaspora, people don reimagine Ẹpa style for museum exhibition, academic research, and modern African diaspora art across the Americas, where the big warrior and mother figure dem dey stand as strong symbol of Yorùbá cultural resilience .