Yorùbá Pottery
An examination of Yoruba ceramic traditions, detailing technical processes, female potting lineages, ritual and domestic vessel typologies, documented master artists, archaeological chronologies, and debates surrounding provenance and restitution.
Yorùbá pottery na special ceramic tradition wey female specialists don historically dey practice and maintain through family and regional lineage. Di work cover plenty different-different forms, from everyday house pot dem wey dem design for cooking, fermentation, and to store water, reach terracotta container dem wey dem shape well well and dedicate to deities like Ẹrinlẹ̀, Ọ̀ṣun, and Ṣàngó. Dem dey produce all these vessels completely without mechanical wheel; na hand dem take dey build dem, polish dem, decorate dem with pattern wey dem cut or attach put, and burn dem inside open fire for low temperature before dem go come treat dem with organic materials after firing.
Dis tradition represent complex pyrotechnological system and main way wey dem dey take show religious devotion, aesthetic expression, and social organization across southwestern Nigeria. Even though early colonial and ethnographic collection dem record these works as culture objects wey dem no know who make dem, art-history scholarship don document individual master potter dem wey their unique style help shape local sacred practice dem [S2][S3]. At di same time, archaeological research connect today pottery center dem to ancient regional sequence dem, wey make ceramic analysis one important tool to understand urban history, ritual life, and long-distance trade across di Yorùbá region [S10][S12].
Materials and Processing
Di raw material for Yorùbá ceramic na alluvial clay wey dem dig from local ground, wey dem dey call amọ̀ for Yorùbá (clay; soil wey good for molding) [S1][S2]. Potter dem dey get amọ̀ from riverbed, marsh wey dey low, or special clay pit dem wey particular pottery community or family descent group own. Dem dey carry fresh clay wey dem dig go open workshop, where e dey pass through plenty preparation process to remove dirty things, make am elastic well, and stop am from cracking when e dey dry and when dem dey fire am.
Raw amọ̀ get high plasticity, wey dey make am easy to shrink well well, bend, and break when sudden heat touch am. To stop this one, potter dem dey mix di raw clay with special opening materials, or temper dem [S1]. Di main tempering agent dem include:
- Crushed grog: Broken ceramic pot piece dem wey dem don fire before wey dem grind into coarse powder using heavy wooden pestle or stone grinder [S1][S2].
- Quartz granules: Broken piece of quartz wey weather naturally or wey dem crush, wey dem gather from granite rock or river sand [S1].
- Coarse sand: Graded alluvial sand wey dem sieve to remove dirt and big stone dem [S1].
Dem dey mix di clay and temper together for flat ground where dem dey work. Potter dem dey knead di mixture again and again with their hand and leg, dey add measured quantity of water until di paste get di same density everywhere, balance moisture well, and strong well well [S1][S2]. Di amount of grog or sand wey dem dey put dey depend on wetin dem want use di pot do. Cooking pot and ritual vessel wey must endure direct fire heat or carry plenty liquid dey get higher amount of coarse temper, while smaller domestic pot dem wey dem polish fine-fine dey get finer mixture [S1].
Forming, Surface Decoration, and Pyrotechnology
Di making of Yorùbá earthenware pot depend purely on manual forming method dem wey dem dey do without mechanical potter's wheel [S1][S2]. Potter dem dey use three main hand-building method, and dem dey often join dem together take make single pot.
+-------------------------------------------------------------+
| PRIMARY FORMING TECHNIQUES |
+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+
| Method | Mechanical Function |
+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+
| Direct Hollowing / Pulling | Drawing up the primary walls |
| | from a solid lump of clay |
+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+
| Mold Shaping | Forming spherical bases over |
| | convex or concave pot bases |
+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+
| Coil Superimposition | Adding progressive clay coils |
| | to build upper walls and rims |
+-----------------------------+-------------------------------+
Potter dem dey start di base of round pot by pressing flat clay slab over convex mold, wey normally be di round bottom of old ceramic pot wey dem turn upside down and dust with dry ash or sand make e no stick [S1][S2]. Or, di potter fit hollow solid lump of clay with her fist and fingers, dey pull di paste go up in smooth circular motion. Once di bottom half become strong reach leather-hard level, di potter go remove am from di mold and build di upper wall, neck, and rim by placing concentric coil of clay (ìyín) on top each other [S1]. Dem dey pinch di coil dem, join dem together, and scrape dem smooth with curved calabash piece, flat wooden spatula, or seed pod [S1][S2].
Dem dey do surface decoration while di clay still dey leather-hard. Dem dey finish Yorùbá ceramic surface dem using distinct decorative and functional technique dem:
- Burnishing: Potter dem dey rub di semi-dry outside body with hard, smooth river pebble (òkúta ìdán) or big, solid seed to compress di clay particle dem together [S1][S2]. Dis mechanical pressing dey arrange di clay mineral dem well, dey give am tight, shining surface wey dey reduce liquid absorption well well before firing [S1].
- Incising and Stamping: Using carved wooden comb, sharp bone tool, or woven cord wey dem roll across di damp clay, potter dem dey make geometric band, zigzag, and cross-hatch pattern dem around di shoulder and neck part [S1][S2].
- Applied Relief: For ceremonial and shrine pot dem, potter dem dey attach sculpture clay element directly to di pot wall, dey shape human-like figure, four-leg animal, snake, and sacred emblem dem wey dey project outward in high relief [S2][S3].
Raw Alluvial Clay (Amọ̀) + Temper (Grog / Sand)
│
▼
Manual Hand-Building
(Molding, Pulling, Coil Construction)
│
▼
Surface Finishing
(Burnishing, Incision, Applied Relief)
│
▼
Open-Air Bonfire / Mud Clamp
(600–850°C, Fast Firing Regime)
│
▼
Post-Firing Sealant Bath
(Hot Splash with Fermented Organic Extract)
Dem dey burn di pot dem for open air or inside shallow mud clamp instead of closed updraft kiln [S1][S2]. Dem dey arrange di pot dem carefully on top high bed wey dem make with hardwood branch, split log, and palm frond. Dem dey pack extra tins wey fit catch fire, like dry savanna grass, small wood, and palm kernel chaff wey dem don use, directly on top and round di pots till dem cover completely [S1].
Dem dey light di fire from different place for di bottom make di heat for fit spread well. Di firing temperature dey usually reach between 600°C and 850°C, and everything dey conclude within few hours [S1]. Dis quick, low-temperature firing dey make di ceramic body fit resist thermal shock, so dat di pots go fit endure di physical stress of open house fire.
Immediately after di firing, while di ceramic pots still dey red-hot, potters dey use long wooden pole pull dem comot from di coal and treat dem with natural plant mixture [S1][S2]. Dem dey soak di pots inside or splash dem repeatedly with hot mixture wey dem boil from fermented locust bean pod (ìgbá) or di crushed bark of specific local trees [S1]. Di organic tannin and starch inside di liquid dey quickly carbonize once e touch di hot pot wall, e dey seal di remaining pores and give di pot di special dark reddish-brown or deep black metallic shine [S1][S2].
Typology, Ritual Function, and Sacred Vessels
Yorùbá pottery dey cover broad functional range, as e dey work at di same time as ordinary domestic utensil and as sanctified architectural centerpiece inside shrines.
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| SELECTED CERAMIC VESSEL TYPOLOGIES |
+----------------------+---------------------------+----------------------+
| Vessel Form | Structural Features | Primary Context |
+----------------------+---------------------------+----------------------+
| Ìkòkò | Wide-mouthed, thick-walled| Water storage, beer |
| | spherical earthenware | brewing, dye vats |
+----------------------+---------------------------+----------------------+
| Àgbèbọ̀ | Small, rounded bowl, | Food preparation, |
| | burnished, tight-fitting | serving, table use |
+----------------------+---------------------------+----------------------+
| Awo Ọta Eyinle / | Lidded pedestal bowl with | Shrine receptacle for|
| Awe Ẹrinlẹ̀ | anthropomorphic sculpture | sacred river stones |
+----------------------+---------------------------+----------------------+
| Otun Ẹrinlẹ̀ | Tiered globular pot with | Water altar for the |
| | applied zoomorphic relief | river deity Ẹrinlẹ̀ |
+----------------------+---------------------------+----------------------+
| Ìkòkò Ọ̀ṣun | Perforated or burnished | Shrine vessel for the|
| | bowl with curvilinear ribs| river goddess Ọ̀ṣun |
+----------------------+---------------------------+----------------------+
For house use, di ìkòkò na di common big storage pot [S2]. Di porous, thick wall dey help water evaporate take cool down, wey dey keep drinking water cold for domestic compound. Other domestic type include special cooking pot wey dem design make e sit directly on top three-stone hearth, plus wide basin wey dem dey use prepare and ferment herbal mixture, dye bath, and food crops [S1][S2].
For sacred context, ceramic pots dey serve as physical container for spiritual entities (òrìṣà), divine energy (àṣẹ), and consecrated medicine. Dem dey worship di river and hunting deity Ẹrinlẹ̀ (or Eyinle) through complex ceramic pot assembly wey dem dey call awo ọta Eyinle, awe Ẹrinlẹ̀, or otun Ẹrinlẹ̀ [S2][S3][S7]. Dem design dis pots to hold sanctified water and smooth river pebble (ọta) wey dem pick from sacred river, wey dey bring di presence of di deity enter inside di shrine [S3].
Di cover of awo ọta Eyinle na complex figurative composition. Sculpted human head, warrior on horse, mother-and-child figure, and protective animals dey join directly into di handle of di cover, wey transform di functional pot cover to altar sculpture [S3]. Like dat too, pots wey dem dedicate to di river goddess Ọ̀ṣun (ìkòkò Ọ̀ṣun) get fine, burnished rim, fluted ridge, and small hole dem wey dey bring to mind river current, water plant, and woman fertility [S4]. Shrines wey dem dedicate to Ṣàngó, di deity of thunder and lightning, dey use special terracotta container to hold ancient stone celt (ẹ̀dùn àrá) wey dem believe say na thunderbolt wey strike fall down during storm [S6].
Documented Master Potters and Individual Attribution
Early twentieth-century ethnographic collection and museum register bin classify Yorùbá pottery under general communal or tribal label, leaving out di names of di women wey design and burn di works [S2][S3]. Art-historical fieldwork from mid-to-late twentieth century change dis pattern as e document individual master ceramicist, analyze dia personal aesthetic style, and trace dia artistic lineage [S3][S4].
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| DOCUMENTED MASTER POTTERS |
+--------------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+
| Artist | Location | Documented Specialism |
+--------------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+
| Abátàn Òdèfẹ́yìṣàn | Òkè-Òdàn | Sculptural lids for |
| (c. 1885–1966) | (Ẹgbádò / Yewa) | sacred Awo Ọta Eyinle |
+--------------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+
| Madam Felicia Adepelu | Ìgbàrà-Odò | Domestic ware and sacred|
| | (Èkìtì) | vessels for Ọ̀ṣun |
+--------------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+
| Madam Simiatu Adeoye | Ìjàyè Quarter, | Ceremonial Otun Ẹrinlẹ̀ |
| | Abẹ́òkúta | tiered altar pottery |
+--------------------------+---------------------+-------------------------+
Abátàn Òdèfẹ́yìṣàn of Òkè-Òdàn
Di historical Yorùbá potter wey academic book dem document pass na Abátàn Òdèfẹ́yìṣàn (wey dem also write for scholarly publication dem as Àbâtàn Odefeyemi or Abatan Olenyaye, c. 1885–1966) [S3]. She work for di town of Òkè-Òdàn inside di Ẹgbádò (Yewa) Yorùbá region. Abátàn na devotee of Ẹrinlẹ̀ and master ceramicist wey Robert Farris Thompson record her work well-well between 1962 and 1966 [S3].
Abátàn specialize for di making of awo ọta Eyinle [S3]. Her sculptural style show well-balanced figurative lid dem wey get calm facial expression, fine traditional hairstyle dem (irun dídì), big almond-shaped eye dem, and scarification mark dem wey dem cut carefully to show lineage identity [S3].
Thompson establish say all di work wey Abátàn do show clear individual creative power inside di rule of religious iconography [S3]. Instead make she dey produce copy of ritual pot dem wey just dey identical and static, Abátàn dey change di proportion dem, face shape dem, and surface design throughout her career, and this come create body of work wey dem document wey show individual authorship and how style take evolve for historical African ceramics [S3].
Madam Felicia Adepelu of Ìgbàrà-Odò
For di eastern Yorùbá region of Èkìtì, Madam Felicia Adepelu of Ìgbàrà-Odò gain regional prominence as master ceramicist [S4]. Frank Ajayi document her inside field research for di 1980s; Adepelu make plenty different kind pottery, from normal domestic container dem for house use reach complex, highly decorated ritual pot dem dedicated to di goddess Ọ̀ṣun [S4]. People know her work for dia sharp geometric precision, deep surface burnishing, and fine raised cordon dem wey she apply round di pot carinations [S4].
Madam Simiatu Adeoye of Abẹ́òkúta
For di Ìjàyè quarter of Abẹ́òkúta, Antonia K. Fatunsin document Madam Simiatu Adeoye as leading maker of ceremonial otun Ẹrinlẹ̀ pot dem [S2]. Adeoye work na good example of di urban Ẹ̀gbá ceramic style, wey get monumental pot proportion, tiered round body chamber dem, and sharp zoomorphic applique dem wey represent tortoise, chameleon, and bird dem wey join hand with traditional medicinal and spiritual power [S2].
Epistemology, Aesthetics, and Gender
Pottery work for Yorùbá society follow gender line: to dig clay, prepare am, shape am, and fire am na traditionally only women work, wey dem organize inside family workshop and town craft guild dem [S2]. Men fit help once-once to carry heavy bulk clay or gather firewood, but to shape di clay paste and to control di pyrotechnological clamp remain strictly under women control [S1][S2].
Inside him analysis of indigenous aesthetic criteria, Rowland Abíọ́dún argue say person no fit understand Yorùbá visual culture well through Western formalist category dem like utility versus fine art [S5]. Instead, ceramic production dey work through di core philosophical concept dem of ìwà (character, essence, or essential nature) and àṣẹ (di generative force or performative energy wey dey bring things to life) [S5].
Pot wey dem make well must show ìwà through how e structure fit di work: di wall dem must get uniform thickness so dat e go fit endure heat without breaking, di mouth must balance well to prevent spilling, and di way dem treat di surface must match well with di spiritual or domestic function of di pot [S4][S5]. For sacred pot dem, di potter dey put àṣẹ inside di clay through correct iconography, invocations, and prescribed decorative pattern dem wey dey allow di pot serve as channel for divinity [S5].
Di smooth, highly burnished surface of altar pot no just dey show technical skill, e dey create tactile and visual coolness (tútù) wey dey attract di good presence of di òrìṣà [S3][S5].
Archaeological Chronology and Dating
Dem establish scientific dating of Yorùbá ceramic tradition dem through radiocarbon (C-14) dating and thermoluminescence (TL) analysis wey dem do on excavated pot piece dem, complete pot dem, and stratigraphic layer dem wey follow dem [S10][S12].
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| KEY ARCHAEOLOGICAL CERAMIC CHRONOLOGIES |
+------------------+-------------------+-----------------------------------+
| Archaeological | Chronological | Key Ceramic Features |
| Context | Date Range | and Associations |
+------------------+-------------------+-----------------------------------+
| Classical | 12th–15th | Naturalistic terracotta heads, |
| Ilé-Ifẹ̀ | centuries CE | figurative shrine vessels, |
| | | mosaic potsherd pavements |
+------------------+-------------------+-----------------------------------+
| Old Ọ̀yọ́ | Pre-14th century | Multi-phase domestic and ritual |
| Sequence | to c. 1830s CE | wares, rouletted pottery, thick- |
| | | walled industrial storage vessels |
+------------------+-------------------+-----------------------------------+
Classical Ilé-Ifẹ̀
Archaeological excavation for Ilé-Ifẹ̀, especially for Ita Yemoo, Obalara’s Land, and Wòyè Asirì, don discover plenty terracotta sculpture and ceramic floor wey dem date properly between the twelfth and fifteenth century CE [S9][S10][S11]. Thermoluminescence test on top the terracotta figurine dem and radiocarbon dating of charcoal layer wey dey near dem confirm say Classical Ifẹ̀ maintain ceramic industry wey advance well well [S10].
The ceramic collection dem include natural human head wey get life size, detailed animal sculpture, and round clay pot wey get relief design wey show sacrifice animal, captive wey dem tie, and ritual regalia [S9][S10]. Excavation dem also show large potsherd floor (tẹ́jútẹ́jú), where dem arrange millions of strong broken ceramic piece on their edge in geometric herringbone pattern to pave palace compound and sacred walkway [S9][S10].
The Old Ọ̀yọ́ Sequence
For Ọ̀yọ́-Ilé (Old Ọ̀yọ́), the northern capital of the Ọ̀yọ́ Empire wey people leave for the 1830s, archaeological investigation wey Babatunde Agbaje-Williams direct establish one stratified ceramic sequence wey start from before the fourteenth century reach the nineteenth century [S12].
The ceramic layer dem wey dem dig out show change in how dem choose temper, rim shape, and surface finishing technique over time [S12]. The early phase dem show heavy cord-wrapped roulette decoration and fine quartz temper, wey later change in later phase to grog-tempered, thick-wall industrial ceramic wey dem link to large-scale food processing for town, palm oil storage, and local iron smelting work [S12].
Scholarly Debates and Historical Silences
The study of Yorùbá pottery get clear debate dem about functional interpretation, artistic lineage, and spatial origin.
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| CORE SCHOLARLY DEBATES IN YORÙBÁ POTTERY |
+--------------------+-----------------------------------------------------+
| Domain of Debate | Competing Positions / Scholarly Perspectives |
+--------------------+-----------------------------------------------------+
| Function of | Willett: Commemorative royal shrine sculpture |
| Classical Ifẹ̀ | abandoned during dynastic crises [S9]. |
| Terracottas | Garlake: Secondary burial deposits, commemorative |
| | civic burials, or decentralized domestic ritual [S10].|
+--------------------+-----------------------------------------------------+
| Historical | Position A: Morphological and pyrotechnological |
| Continuity vs. | continuity links ancient terracottas to living |
| Rupture | female guilds [S5]. |
| | Position B: Stratigraphic gaps and unknown gender |
| | of ancient artists prevent claiming direct |
| | uninterrupted lineage [S9][S10]. |
+--------------------+-----------------------------------------------------+
| Provenance: | Field collections frequently conflate the findspot |
| Findspot vs. | (shrine where a pot was acquired) with the |
| Workshop Origin | manufacturing workshop (e.g., Ilorin export wares |
| | collected in peripheral rural shrines) [S2][S8]. |
+--------------------+-----------------------------------------------------+
The Function of Classical Ifẹ̀ Terracottas
Scholar dem no agree on the main social and religious function of the ancient terracotta sculpture dem wey dem find for Ilé-Ifẹ̀. Frank Willett argue say the naturalistic terracotta head and figure dem work mainly as commemorative royal shrine furniture, wey dem make to represent king dem wey don die (ọọni) or high-ranking chief dem inside royal ancestral shrine, and later bury or leave dem during period of dynastic wahala [S9].
Peter Garlake challenge this royal ancestral interpretation based on excavation for Obalara’s Land and Wòyè Asirì [S10][S11]. Garlake show say dem put many ceramic sculpture together with domestic pottery, ritual pot, and non-royal deposit inside round pit dem. E argue say the terracotta dem serve as part of secondary burial ritual, town purification ceremony, or decentralized religious shrine instead of say na only royal commemorative portrait [S10][S11].
Continuity versus Rupture with Ancient Traditions
One major debate inside Yorùbá art history dey about the historical connection between ancient archaeological terracotta dem (like the ones from twelfth-century Ifẹ̀) and the nineteenth- and twentieth-century tradition wey female potter dem dey practice [S5][S9].
Scholar dem like Rowland Abíọ́dún dey point out say cultural, philosophical, and iconographic continuity dey, as dem observe say modern ritual pot dem still dey use similar sculptural motif dem, sacred cooling function dem, and symbolic ways dem dey treat human head [S5].
On di other hand, archaeologist dem and historian dem dey point out say big stratigraphic and chronological gap dey between di time classical urban center dem collapse for fifteenth century and di earliest documented ethnographic potting center dem for nineteenth century [S9][S10].
Aside from dat, archaeological record no talk anything about whether ancient Ifẹ̀ terracotta sculptor dem na women wey dey work inside family lineage dem or specialized male craftsman dem wey dey work under royal court patronage, and dis one dey make am hard to establish clear historical link between ancient sculptors and modern female guild dem [S5][S9].
Di Findspot versus Workshop Problem
Because ceramic pot dem actively dey traded across southwestern Nigeria through regional market network dem, museum accession record dem dey always mix up di findspot of pot with di actual place wey dem make am [S2][S8]. For example, big potting center dem for Ilorin, Abẹ́òkúta, and Erusu mass-produce both domestic container dem and sacred pot dem wey dem carry travel across long distance dem [S2].
Colonial collector dem often record di geographic origin of pot based only on di shrine or household wey dem buy am from, wey make dem wrongly link pottery wey dem make for Ilorin to southern Yorùbá town dem or village shrine dem for border area dem [S2][S8]. Dis geographical confusion don make stylistic mapping of regional ceramic workshop dem dey more complex.
Museum Collection dem, Provenance, and Restitution
Major holding dem of historical Yorùbá ceramic dem dey spread across institution dem for Nigeria, Europe, and North America.
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| MAJOR REPOSITORIES OF YORÙBÁ POTTERY |
+------------------------+-------------------------------------------------+
| Institution | Scope of Ceramic Collections |
+------------------------+-------------------------------------------------+
| Museum of Yoruba | Founded Feb 11, 1973; specialized field |
| Pottery (Ita Yemoo, | collections of functional, decorative, and |
| Ilé-Ifẹ̀, Nigeria) | ritual vessels (notably Ṣàngó and Ẹrinlẹ̀) [S6].|
+------------------------+-------------------------------------------------+
| National Commission | Vast typological holdings across Lagos, Jos, |
| for Museums and | and Ife museums, documenting centers like |
| Monuments (NCMM) | Abeokuta, Ilorin, Erusu, and Oke-Agbe [S2]. |
+------------------------+-------------------------------------------------+
| Fowler Museum at UCLA | Comprehensive mid-20th-century field collections|
| (Los Angeles, USA) | of sacred shrine vessels and altar pots [S7]. |
+------------------------+-------------------------------------------------+
| The British Museum | 19th- and 20th-century domestic and ritual |
| (London, UK) | earthenware acquired via colonial officers |
| | and ethnographers such as William Fagg [S8]. |
+------------------------+-------------------------------------------------+
Di Museum of Yoruba Pottery, wey dem establish on February 11, 1973, for Ita Yemoo inside Ilé-Ifẹ̀, stand as major institutional effort inside Nigeria to preserve traditional ceramic dem [S6]. As dem build am around plenty field acquisition dem wey Georgina Beier and local ceramicist dem organize, di museum hold complete typological collection of domestic, industrial, and sacred pot dem, with plenty ritual pot dem wey dem dedicate to Ṣàngó and Ẹrinlẹ̀ [S6].
In di same way, di National Commission for Museums and Monuments (NCMM) maintain extensive ceramic archive dem for Lagos, Jos, and Ilé-Ifẹ̀, wey dey preserve documented pot dem from major historical potting center dem wey include Abẹ́òkúta, Ìlọrin, Èrusú, and Òkè-Àgbè [S2].
For Western museum dem, di Fowler Museum for UCLA hold important collection of Yorùbá altar ceramic dem, especially otun Ẹrinlẹ̀ and related shrine furniture wey dem collect during twentieth-century field study dem [S7]. Di British Museum keep nineteenth- and twentieth-century pot dem wey colonial administrative officer dem, commercial traveler dem, and ethnographer dem like William Fagg collect [S8].
Provenance Silence dem and Restitution
Different from Yorùbá royal brass dem, carved ivory dem, and wooden sculpture dem, wey don get plenty international restitution attention, dem don often neglect historical pottery and archaeological terracotta dem for public debate dem about cultural repatriation [S13].
Western museum accession register dem dey regularly silent about di purchase context, provenance, or maker identity dem of Yorùbá domestic and shrine pottery, as dem don catalog dem under general ethnographic category dem [S2][S8].
At di same time, classical archaeological terracotta dem from site dem inside and around Ilé-Ifẹ̀ don face unrecorded excavation dem and illegal export through international art market dem [S13]. Di 2018 report on African cultural heritage wey Felwine Sarr and Bénédicte Savoy write identify illegally exported terracotta dem and sacred ritual ceramic dem as primary category dem for unconditional restitution go give national body dem like Nigeria National Commission for Museums and Monuments [S13].
To secure di provenance of dese work dem require say make dem reconstruct di history dem of di women potter dem and sacred shrine dem wey dem remove dem from, wey go shift di institutional record from anonymous ethnographic curiosity dem go documented individual and religious tradition dem [S2][S3][S13].