Music II - Fẹlá, Afrobeat and the Afrobeats Generation
Fẹlá Aníkúlápó-Kuti in full, his sons Fẹmi and Ṣeun, Lágbájá and Aṣa, and the global Afrobeats generation from Wizkid and Davido to Tems and Ayra Starr, with ethnicity verified for each.
Fẹlá Aníkúlápó-Kuti in full, his sons Fẹmi and Ṣeun, Lágbájá and Aṣa, and the global Afrobeats generation from Wizkid and Davido to Tems and Ayra Starr, with ethnicity verified for each.
Two different things are called by similar names and should be kept apart. Afrobeat, singular, is the genre Fẹlá Aníkúlápó-Kuti created in Lagos around 1970, built on highlife, jazz and American funk over Yoruba rhythmic structure, played by a large band in long-form pieces with explicitly political lyrics. Afrobeats, plural, is the Nigerian and Ghanaian pop of the last fifteen years, a studio-produced, verse-and-chorus, three-minute form that is commercially enormous and politically quiet. The second borrowed the name and very little else. Conflating them, which the international music press does constantly, misrepresents both.
This file covers Fẹlá at length, his musical descendants, and the current generation, with the ethnicity of each artist stated because Afrobeats is a Nigerian phenomenon and not a Yoruba one, and a Yoruba corpus should be precise about which of its stars are Yoruba.
Fẹlá is the most internationally significant African musician of the twentieth century and the only one whose work functioned as a sustained political opposition to a state.
He was born Olúfẹlá Olúṣẹ́gun Olúdọ̀tun Ransome-Kuti on 15 October 1938 in Abẹ́òkúta . His father, the Reverend Israel Olúdọ̀tun Ransome-Kuti, was an Anglican minister, school principal and the first president of the Nigerian Union of Teachers. His mother was Fúnmiláyọ̀ Ransome-Kuti, the political organiser of the Abẹ́òkúta women's revolt. His brothers Olikoye and Beko were physicians and public figures, and Wọlé Ṣóyínká is his cousin. That is a household of very high achievement and very high dissent, and both are relevant.
He dropped the name Ransome in the 1970s on the ground that it was a slave name, replacing it with Aníkúlápó, which he glossed as "he who carries death in his pouch", and kept Kuti .
He was sent to London in 1958, ostensibly to read medicine, and enrolled instead at Trinity College of Music to study trumpet . There he formed Koola Lobitos, playing a mixture of jazz and highlife .
The decisive event was a ten-month stay in Los Angeles in 1969. Through Sandra Smith, later Sandra Izsadore, a Black Panther Party activist, he encountered the Black Power movement, read Malcolm X and the literature of Pan-Africanism, and came back with a political programme he had not previously had . He renamed the band Nigeria 70 and then Africa 70.
What he built from there is Afrobeat: a large ensemble with a horn section, two or more guitars, multiple percussionists, a driving bass and drum pattern derived from Yoruba and Ghanaian highlife rhythm, extended pieces frequently over fifteen minutes with long instrumental development before the vocal enters, call-and-response chorus, and lyrics in Nigerian Pidgin so that the whole country could hear them . The choice of Pidgin rather than Yoruba or English was deliberate and is the reason his politics travelled beyond the west.
He established the Kalakuta Republic in 1970, a compound in Lagos that housed his band, his family and his following and that he declared independent of the Nigerian state, with its own clinic and recording studio . The Shrine, his club, was the venue.
Zombie (1976) is the record that made the confrontation total. It compares Nigerian soldiers to zombies who move only when commanded, and it was enormously popular, which meant the insult was being sung back at soldiers in the street. On 18 February 1977 around a thousand soldiers attacked Kalakuta, burned it down, beat and injured Fẹlá severely, assaulted the women in the compound, and threw his seventy-six-year-old mother from an upper window . She died of her injuries in April 1978.
The official inquiry attributed the destruction to an "unknown soldier". Fẹlá's answer was two records, Coffin for Head of State and Unknown Soldier, and the delivery of his mother's coffin to the gates of Dodan Barracks, the seat of the military government.
He formed the Movement of the People as a political party in 1979 and attempted to run for president; his candidacy was refused registration . On 20 February 1978, the anniversary of the Kalakuta attack, he married twenty-seven women in a single ceremony, an act he described as both a statement about African tradition and a legal protection for the women in his household against charges of prostitution or of being kidnapped . He later dissolved the arrangement.
He was arrested more than two hundred times . In 1984 the Buhari military government imprisoned him for twenty months on a currency export charge that Amnesty International designated politically motivated and for which it named him a prisoner of conscience . He was released in 1986 after the judge who convicted him privately acknowledged the case had been arranged.
He renamed his band Egypt 80 in the mid-1980s, a name carrying his argument that ancient Egypt was a Black African civilisation and that African history had been stolen.
He died in Lagos on 2 August 1997 of complications from AIDS, announced by his brother Olikoye, then a former Health Minister, in a deliberate act of public health disclosure at a moment when the disease was denied in Nigeria . His widow disputed the diagnosis . Around a million people attended the funeral procession in Lagos.
Fẹlá's relationship to Yoruba tradition was serious and selective. The rhythmic base of Afrobeat is Yoruba, the call-and-response is the structure of Yoruba communal singing, and the horn lines answer the voice the way a talking drum does. He practised òrìṣà religion openly, kept a shrine, consulted Ifá, and used that identification as part of the argument that African tradition had been displaced by imported religion. His hostility to Christianity and to Islam, both of which he described as instruments of colonisation, is a consistent theme, most directly on Shuffering and Shmiling.
He is therefore the most prominent twentieth-century Yoruba figure to have publicly returned to traditional religion, and he did it as a political act rather than a private one.
The criticisms of him are also on the record and should be stated: his treatment of women, both in the polygamous household and in his lyrics, has been the subject of sustained feminist criticism including from within Nigeria; his public denial of the reality of AIDS while ill contributed to a dangerous consensus; and his political judgement, as opposed to his political courage, was frequently poor.
Fẹmi Aníkúlápó-Kuti was born on 16 June 1962 in London and raised in Lagos, the eldest son . He began performing in his father's Egypt 80 in his teens and formed his own band, Positive Force, in the late 1980s with Dele Sosimi . He runs the New Afrika Shrine in Lagos, which he built after his father's death as the successor to the original. He has received six Grammy nominations without a win, four in the Best World Music Album category in 2002, 2009, 2011 and 2013 and two more in 2022 . In 2017 he set a Guinness World Record for holding a single saxophone note for 51 minutes and 35 seconds using circular breathing . His music is tighter and more song-shaped than his father's and his politics is comparably direct.
Ṣeun Aníkúlápó-Kuti was born on 11 January 1983, the youngest son, and took over the direction of Egypt 80 after his father's death in 1997, when he was fourteen . He has kept most of his father's original musicians in the band, which makes Egypt 80 under Ṣeun the only continuous Afrobeat ensemble. Black Times (2018) was nominated for a Grammy in the World Music category . He revived his father's Movement of the People as a political organisation in 2020, took part in the Occupy Nigeria protests in 2012, and Time named him among its hundred most influential people in 2019 . He describes himself as an atheist, which distinguishes him from his father's òrìṣà practice .
Lágbájá is the stage name of Bísádé Ọlógundé, born in Lagos in 1960, a saxophonist, percussionist and singer who performs masked . The name is Yoruba: lágbájá means "somebody", "anybody", the word used when a person's name is unknown or deliberately withheld, and the mask makes the point that he stands for the faceless ordinary Nigerian . His music combines Afrobeat with a much heavier and more foregrounded Yoruba drum ensemble than Fẹlá used, and his lyrics move between Yoruba and Pidgin. He is the most sophisticated user of Yoruba drum language in modern popular music.
Aṣa is Bùkọ́lá Elemide, born on 17 September 1982 in Paris to Nigerian parents who were studying cinematography, and raised in Lagos from the age of two . Her parents are from Ògùn State . She is French-Nigerian, sings in English and Yoruba, and works in a folk and soul idiom rather than an Afrobeats one. Her self-titled debut in 2007 won the French Prix Constantin. She is the Yoruba artist whose Yoruba-language songwriting is most highly regarded by Yoruba speakers among the internationally successful generation.
Afrobeats emerged in Lagos in the late 2000s and became a global commercial force in the late 2010s. Its Yoruba component is large but not exclusive, and the table states origin for each artist.
| Artist | Born | Origin | Note |
|---|---|---|---|
| Wizkid (Ayọ̀dèjì Ibrahim Balógun) | 16 July 1990, Lagos | Yoruba | The artist who globalised Afrobeats. His feature on Drake's One Dance in 2016 took him to a global number one, and Essence with Tems reached the top ten of the American Billboard Hot 100 in 2021, the first Nigerian record to do so and the first song with Yoruba lyrics to enter the Billboard Global 200. He won a Grammy in 2021 for Best Music Video as a collaborator on Beyoncé's Brown Skin Girl |
| Davido (David Adédèjì Adélékè) | 21 November 1992 | Yoruba, from Ẹdẹ in Ọ̀ṣun State | The other pole of the Afrobeats duopoly. Multiple Grammy nominations; his family is politically prominent in Ọ̀ṣun State |
| Tiwa Savage (Tiwatọ́pẹ́ Ọmọ́lará Savage) | 5 February 1980, Ìsàlẹ̀ Èkó, Lagos | Yoruba | The senior woman of the genre and the artist who made a Nigerian woman's solo pop career commercially viable at that scale. Sings in English, Pidgin and Yoruba |
| Tems (Temiladé Ọpẹ́ńiyì) | 11 June 1995, Lagos | Yoruba | Won a Grammy in 2023 for Best Melodic Rap Performance for Future's Wait for U with Drake, and again in 2025 for Best African Music Performance for Love Me JeJe, a reworking of Seyi Sodimu's 1997 song. The most critically respected voice of the generation |
| Ayra Starr (Ọyìnkánsọlá Sarah Adéríbigbé) | 14 June 2002 | Yoruba | Raised partly in Cotonou; the leading younger woman in the genre |
| Olamide (Olamidé Gbenga Adédèjì) | 15 March 1989, Bariga, Lagos | Yoruba | The most important Yoruba-language rapper. He rapped in Yoruba when the market rewarded English, and his label YBNL Nation launched a large part of the current generation. His significance for this corpus is specifically linguistic: he made Yoruba a viable language for Nigerian commercial pop |
| Fireboy DML (Adédamọ́lá Ọyìnlọlá Adéfọ́láhàn) | 5 February 1996, Abẹ́òkúta | Yoruba | Signed to YBNL in 2018 |
Burna Boy (Damini Ebunoluwa Ogulu, born 2 July 1991 in Port Harcourt) is of mixed background: his father is Ijaw and his mother, Bose Ogulu, who manages him, is Yoruba . His middle name Ebunoluwa is Yoruba. He is therefore not simply Ijaw, as is sometimes stated, and not Yoruba, as is also sometimes stated; he is half Yoruba through his mother and is publicly identified with Port Harcourt and the Niger Delta. His grandfather Benson Idonije was Fẹlá's first manager. He is included here as a partly Yoruba figure with the parentage stated, and not claimed for the corpus.
Rema (Divine Ikubor, born 1 May 2000 in Benin City) is Edo, from Igbanke in Ọ̀rhìọnmwọ̀n local government area of Edo State, and is not Yoruba . Calm Down with Selena Gomez is the most-streamed African song ever recorded. He is noted here only to prevent misattribution.
Christy Essien-Igbokwe (1960 to 2011), sometimes listed with Nigerian women singers of Yoruba background, was Ibibio, from Akwa Ibom State, and is not covered here.
The Afrobeats generation differs from everything before it in three ways. It is studio-made rather than band-made, which removed the large ensembles that jùjú, àpàlà, fújì and Afrobeat all required. It is distributed globally by streaming rather than locally by vinyl, cassette and live performance, which changed both the economics and the target audience. And it is not political, which is the sharpest break with Fẹlá.
What did not change is the underlying rhythmic architecture and the persistence of Yoruba. A large share of the vocabulary, the ad-libs, the melodic phrasing and in Olamide's case the entire lyric of contemporary Nigerian pop is Yoruba, and it is being heard by more people than any Yoruba-language material in history. That is a genuinely new fact about the language, and it happened without anyone planning it.
Túndé King and the invention of jùjú, Ayìndé Bákàrè, I. K. Dàiró, Harúnà Iṣọ̀lá and àpàlà, Ebenezer Obey and King Sunny Adé, and the fújì line from Ṣikirú Ayìndé Barrister to K1.
Fúnmiláyọ̀ Ransome-Kuti and the Abẹ́òkúta tax revolt, HID Awólọ́wọ̀, Wúràọlá Ẹsan, Fọláké Ṣólánkẹ́, Bọ́lá Kuforiji-Olubi, the Ìyálóde and Ìyálọ́jà offices in the modern state, and the Yoruba women who were first in law, medicine and the university.
Mọ́ṣọ́ọ̀d Abíọ́lá and the annulled election of 12 June 1993, Ernest Ṣónẹ́kan, Bọ́lá Ìgè, Olúṣẹ́gun Ọbásanjọ́, Bọ́lá Tinúbú and the Afẹ́nifẹ́re tradition.
Scholarly assessment of Fela Aníkúlápó Kuti, covering the development of Afrobeat, anti-authoritarian politics, the 1977 Kalakuta raid, gender controversies, and documented historical records versus oral narratives.
How Yoruba traditional music fed sakara, apala, waka, juju, fuji, highlife, Afrobeat and contemporary Afrobeats, traced through named musicians and specific musical mechanisms rather than gestures at influence.
A method note explaining what kind of evidence exists for Yoruba figures from the earliest traditions to 1900, why the oldest names cannot be treated as documented biography, and how this section marks the difference.